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The ENP in practice - the European Union's policy towards Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova one year after the publication of the Strategy Paper

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

1. Clear qualitative changes have taken place in relations between the European Union and its Eastern neighbours over the past year. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has been playing a significant part in the context of these changes. In the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, which are the countries interested in enhancing co-operation with the EU, the ENP has provided a formula that allows taking steps to implement this objective. The ENP has also contributed to "outlining an alternative" to Belarus' current self-isolation. However, the ENP has first of all given a clear message to Russia by specifying the EU's interests and objectives concerning Eastern Europe. The ENP has clearly stated that the EU wants to build democracy and a free market in those countries, and has signalled that the European Union intends to discuss the issues concerning the countries directly with them, and not through Moscow's offices.2. The main shortcoming of the ENP appears to be the disproportion between the number of commitments and tasks that the neighbours must make and carry out and the benefits promised by the EU. Currently, the ENP does not offer membership prospects, and other concessions made by the European Union have not been clearly defined (neither in terms of the scope nor the terms and conditions of implementation). This lack of balance between the European Union's great aspirations to influence its neighbours and the limited offer it addresses to those neighbours seems to be a problem of such magnitude that, unless the situation changes, it may paralyse further implementation of the ENP. 3. The mechanisms and objectives of the ENP have been determined in rather general terms, which gives the EU great freedom of action in its policy towards the Eastern partners. On the one hand, the ENP allows for a very reserved approach or even the simulation of real actions; yet on the other, it does not exclude the possibility of very active engagement by the EU (including holding out the prospect of membership for the European neighbours). This shows that the ENP does not definitely determine the nature of the EU engagement. A great deal depends on the political will on the part of both the European Union's structures and its individual member states. The ENP's flexibility seems to be a particularly valuable feature; it gives an opportunity for an evolutional change to this formula which may be inspired by both new experiences and the changing reality.

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2017-11 - Eastern Partnership Summit: compromise for the sake of continuation

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Vugar Bayramov,Arseniy Sivitsky,Lasha Tughushi,Natalia Sterkul,Oleksii Krysenko,Vitaliy Martynyuk,Olga Chyzhova / Language(s): English

The Brussels Eastern Partnership summit did not bring neither breakthroughs, nor surprises, putting sustainability and stability of the member countries at the forefront. So far, it seems, the relations with the European Union will be reduced to the lowest common denominator of the six partner states. The European ambitions of the Association Agreements signatories were not support¬ed in the EU. No “carrots” after the visa-free travel and the free trade zone were promised to Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova. No words on the in-depth cooperation with the lead¬ers of the initiative in the “Eastern Partnership Plus” format were mentioned in the final Declaration. Moreover, all attempts to introduce the possible, yet remote aspiration for the EU membership made the opposite effect. Instead, the European partners suggested the neighbors should pay more attention to the fulfillment of the commitments they had already undertaken. Only Armenia was quite satisfied with the summit results as it signed the new Com¬prehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement. Azerbaijan and Belarus negotiate on elaborating the similar basic agreements. What is the future of the Eastern Partnership policy? Is the EU ready to work with its neighbors at “different speeds”? The results of the Brussels summit analyzed by Vitali Martynyuk. More about the summit outcomes significance for each of the EAP states can be found in our monthly reviews. //// CONTENT: ARMENIA: RESTORING & REPAIRING RELATIONS WITH THE EU // AZERBAIJAN: ADJUSTING STATE BUDGET TO OIL PRICES // BELARUS: NEW CHALLENGES IN FOREIGN POLICY // GEORGIA: THRILLER WITH TERRORISTS IN TBILISI // WILL MOLDOVA MEET THE EXPECTATIONS? // UKRAINE: ANTICORRUPTION NOVEMBER // ANALYTICA: EASTERN PARTNERSHIP SUMMIT: COMPROMISE FOR THE SAKE OF CONTINUATION // EAP THINK BRIDGE ROUND TABLE: ECONOMY IN THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP: PARTNERS, COMPETITORS OR BYSTANDERS?

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2017-06 - Bridging divide: forging cooperation and fostering collaboration

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Olga Chyzhova,Vugar Bayramov,Arseniy Sivitsky,Lasha Tughushi,Lina Grau,Sergiy Gerasymchuk / Language(s): English

However the different ways and motives the six East¬ern Partnership countries may have, one way or another they are moving towards strengthening their coopera¬tion with the European Union. The systematic reforms and the ability to defend their national interests while resisting the outside pressure are the two essential components for the further successful development in this direction. It is not unexpected that the countries in the region are in the different stages of EU engage¬ment, with prominent leaders being Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova. That is why it is extremely important not only to establish the dialogue between the civil society and the reformers in each country of the region, but also to have the efficient communication between the countries sharing the best cases. It is exactly the subject matter of Armenian expert Richard Giragosyan’s monthly analytics. In May the relations of the countries in the region with their Western partners were not univocal. Georgia, on the one hand, became a political center, having hosted the NATO Parliamentary Assembly. However, on the other hand, it became involved in an international scandal due to the case of an Azeri opposition journalist kidnaped in Tbilisi. The world leaders reassured Ukraine that the sanctions against Russia will not be lifted. Moreover, Kyiv itself imposed some new sanctions on the aggressor’s business, and social networks “VKontakte” and “Odnoklassniki”, as well as “Yandex” search engine were blocked. In Yerevan the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe of¬fice, the last one in the Southern Caucasus, was closed at the behest of Baku. Yet Armenia and Azerbaijan faced new escalation of the Nagorno- Karabakh conflict – missile attacks. Moldova did not receive the financial aid promised by the EU, due to the issue of its democratic standards, in particular the deteriorating situation with media independence. At the same time Belarus is still seeking balance to counter the Russian influence not only in the West, but also in the East. In the course of the “One Belt, One Road” Forum, taking place in Bejing in May, Minsk signed an agreement with China on the cooperation in economy, as well as in security and military spheres. More details on these and other important events in the region are pro¬vided in our monthly reviews. //// CONTENT: ARMENIA WEATHERS THE STORM // AZERBAIJAN: NEW LOW IN RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA // BELARUS: CHINA’S MOST SPECIAL PARTNER // GEORGIA: ON THE WAY TO NATO // MOLDOVA: AUTHORITIES FORCING A MIXED ELECTORAL SYSTEM // UKRAINE: «AWAY FROM MOSCOW» TO ASSOCIATION WITH EUROPE // ANALYTICA: BRIDGING DIVIDE: FORGING COOPERATION AND FOSTERING COLLABORATION // EAP THINK BRIDGE ROUND TABLE: EASTERN EUROPE AND SOUTH CAUCASUS FACING NEW SECURITY ENVIRONMENT

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EAP Think Bridge - № 2017-01 - Armenia in transition: turning point or tipping point?

Author(s): Richard Giragosian,Vugar Bayramov,Arseniy Sivitsky,Lasha Tughushi,Victoria Bucătaru,Sergiy Gerasymchuk / Language(s): English

We are building a bridge between the Eastern Partnership countries — the intellectual one. Unified by the Eastern Partnership policy, the countries are mainly focused on the cooperation with European institutions. At the same time, they disregard the substantial potential of the partnership within the region. After all, despite the geographical proximity, shared past, and, to the great extent, similar difficulties, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine extremely differ from each other in terms of their political and social situation. Nevertheless, the neighbours take it slow to learn from each other’s success or failures. And sometimes they just do not get accurate information from neighbouring countries, especially given the widespread influence of Russian propaganda. Bringing together expert communities of the Eastern Partnership, EaP Think Bridge Initiative aims to tackle this problem. This bridge between the leading think tanks of the region is an opportunity to receive the latest first-hand analytics. We are pleased to present the result of this cooperation – the monthly EaP Think Bridge Digest. The first issue opens with the analysis of the situation in Armenia on the threshold of the parliamentary elections in April 2017. Considering the escalation of conflict in Nagorny Karabakh and the uneasy situation in the country, the elections do not seem to be a predictable culmination of the well-ordered and planned transition to a parliamentary form of government anymore. An important part of each digest issue is a short analytical overview of the month in six countries. It is a kind of photograph of the domestic political situation, economy, and foreign policy of the country. No unnecessary information included, only the most important data from local experts, and a clear scheme of analysis that enables to trace the dynamics of events. Let’s start with the overview of 2016, which was the year of upheaval, change, and hardship for the region. Currently, with the support of the F. Ebert Foundation Regional Office “Dialogue Eastern Europe”, our bridge is built between the following analytical centres: Centre for Economic and Social Development (Azerbaijan), Regional Studies Centre (Armenia), Centre for Strategic and Foreign Policy Studies (Belarus), Liberal Academy Tbilisi (Georgia), Foreign Policy Association (Moldova), and Foreign Policy Council “Ukrainian Prism” (Ukraine). But we are open for cooperation, and we are looking forward to your ideas for the “Guest Expertise” section. //// CONTENT: ARMENIA: CHALLENGES, CHANGES AND CHOICE // AZERBAIJAN: BELT-TIGHTENING AND BALANCING FOREIGN POLICY // BELARUS: DIALOGUE WITH THE WEST AND THE NEW COMPONENTS IN THE STATE IDEOLOGY // GEORGIA: PRO-WESTERN POWERS LOSE SUPPORTERS THOUGH EU MEMBERSHIP HAS NO ALTERNATIVE // MOLDOVA: NEW PRESIDENT & OLD ISSUES // UKRAINE: BETWEEN RUSSIAN AGGRESSION AND INTERNAL CHALLENGES // ANALYTICA: ARMENIA IN TRANSITION: TURNING POINT OR TIPPING POINT?

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Національна безпека і оборона, № 121 (2011 - 03)

Author(s): Oleksiy Garan,Igor Zhdanov,Mihail Pogrebinskiy,Yuliya Tishchenko,Volodymyr Fesenko,Oleg Ustenko,Mykhailo Volynets,Yaroslav Zhalilo,Alexey Miroshnichenko,Vasyl' Khara,Volodymyr Ogrysko,Borys Tarasyuk ,Oleksandr Chalyy,Taras Chornovil / Language(s): Ukrainian

THE FIRST YEAR OF ACTIVITY OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT: INTENTIONS, ACTIONS, RESULTS // Section 1. DOMESTIC POLICY // ACTIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT IN THE FIELD OF DOMESTIC POLICY: POSITIONS OF EXPERTS // Section 2. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL POLICY // What is the investor afraid of, or how to ensure sustainable growth // ACTIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT IN THE FIELD OF ECONOMIC POLICY: POSITIONS OF EXPERTS // Section 3. FOREIGN POLICY // ADDITION. Ukraine's Foreign Policy 2010: Public Opinion // ACTIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT IN THE FIELD OF FOREIGN POLICY: POSITIONS OF EXPERTS // Section 4. ACTIVITIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT IN CITIZENS 'ASSESSMENTS // GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

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Muka je to

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): Serbian

Čitam što obično ne bih da bih razumeo. Pa, na primer, pročitam naslov kako je „Hrabro biti na strani Ukrajine, a časno biti na strani Rusije“. Ili tako nekako. Kako bi to trebalo razumeti? Za hrabrost čast nije neophodna, a časnost ne zahteva hrabrost – to bi bilo jedno tumačenje. Ako se to želi reči, u Srbiji postoji, ako dobro razumem, veliki broj časnih kukavica, i mali broj nečasnih heroja. A sva je prilika, imajući u vidu da je zvanična politika da se ne bude ni na jednoj strani, da ne nedostaju i nečasne kukavice. Naravno, ako se svejedno misli da su časni ljudi hrabri, a hrabri ljudi časni, onda je ovo što je rečeno lišeno smisla, mada i dalje ostaje zaključak da su ljudi koji određuju i slede zvaničnu politiku lišeni i časti i hrabrosti.

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Naši oligarsi

Author(s): Yanis Varoufakis / Language(s): Serbian

Tek što je Roman Abramovič najavio da će zbog sankcija koje je Velika Britanija uvela ruskim oligarsima ponuditi na prodaju fudbalski klub Čelsi, potencijalni kupci su počeli da se utrkuju s ponudama. Jedna sportska ikona, veliki igrači iz Sitija, čak i jedan uvaženi kolumnista Tajmsa, prihvatili su da zastupaju nekoliko američkih multimilijardera u najavljenoj licitaciji. U međuvremenu, mnoštvo londonskih nekretnina u vlasništvu ruskih oligarha našlo se u procesu likvidacije, što je odavno trebalo da se dogodi. Zašto tek sada?

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Meka moć

Author(s): Paul Mason / Language(s): Serbian

Učesnici vanrednog samita NATO zemalja 24. marta u Briselu imaju veliku odgovornost. Ako na stolu bude primirje koje predviđa neutralnost Ukrajine u zamenu za njen teritorijalni integritet, Rusija će moći da se pohvali da je porazila NATO snagom oružja.

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Pre rata

Author(s): Tariq Ali / Language(s): Serbian

Niko ne zna kako će se ovo završiti. Nerazumni avanturizam Putinu se obija o glavu: pokušaj da se ponaša kao Sjedinjene Države, sa BDP-om od 1,5 biliona dolara, manjim čak i od Italije i minijaturnim u poređenju s Kinom (14,7 biliona dolara), bio je sumanut od početka. Ako je zamišljao brzi udar, nalik kolonijalnoj „policijskoj operaciji“, do sada je sigurno shvatio da bi postavljanje Janukoviča ili drugog marionetskog predsednika u Kijevu, primoralo Rusiju da održava značajno vojno prisustvo u Ukrajini. Zemlja koja je pre 12 godina bila podeljena na prorusku i prozapadnu frakciju, odlučno se okrenula ka zapadu.

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Intervju

Author(s): Ivan Yotov Krastev,Lothar Gorris / Language(s): Serbian

Interview with Lothar Gorris by Ivan Krastev.

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Kineski put

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): Serbian

Pretpostavimo da su sledeće dve političke odluke do sada, do agresije na Ukrajinu, strateške, što će reći da su se kineske vlasti njima rukovodile kod svih drugih političkih odluka: Prva, da je od 1989. legitimnost vlasti, ili bolje rečeno odloženost legitimnosti vlasti, zasnovana na održavanju stabilnosti koja je pretpostavka privrednog razvoja i dogod ga ima. Sa dugoročnim izgledom da se, da to tako kažem, privredni liberalizam dopuni demokratskom legitimnošću - stoga je to odložena legitimnost. (Za one koje to interesuje, to je bio Buharinov ili program Nove ekonomske politike iz 20-ih godina prošloga veka u Sovjetskom Savezu. Koji je Staljin ugušio u krvi, u ne maloj meri ukrajinskoj, o Buharinovoj da ne govorimo.)

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Kako okončati rat u Ukrajini

Author(s): Alfred McCoy / Language(s): Serbian

Dok se rat u Ukrajini bliži trećem mesecu uzimajući sve veći danak u ljudskim životima i razaranju, Vašington i njegovi evropski saveznici smišljaju, zasad neuspešno, kako da zaustave taj strašni sukob koji izaziva globalne poremećaje.

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Spaljena zemlja

Author(s): Dejan Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

Ako ima smisla pozivati se na njih, evo nekoliko činjenica. Finska i Švedska odlučile su da u maju zatraže da uđu u Nato. Granica Finske s Rusijom nešto je kraća (malo preko 1.300 km) od granice Ukrajine s Rusijom (malo manje od 1.600 km). Što se Švedske tiče, ni ona nije daleko od Rusije. Kaže se da je Rusija napala Ukrajinu zato što ju je Nato saterao u ćošak. Napadom na Ukrajinu Rusija hoće da udalji Nato od svojih granica. Svojom odlukom Švedska i Finska jasno demonstriraju da će Rusija napadom na Ukrajinu u stvari ojačati Nato, ne samo u svom okruženju nego i na svojim granicama.

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Gvozdena zavesa i Berlinski zid

Author(s): Vladimir Ilić / Language(s): Serbian

Gvozdena zavesa je pala preko Evrope: pruža se preko delova tokova Njemena i Zapadnog Buga, odnosno između Rusije i Litvanije, kao i Belorusije i Poljske. Berlinski zid nije obnovljen: suprotstavljene blokove ne razdvaja ideologija, nego imperijalni interesi. Ukrajinski oligarsi, od kojih neki poseduju privatne parlamentarne političke partije, ne razlikuju se od ruskih. Ukrajinska armija počinje da se sve više razlikuje od ruske, pošto u njoj, uz gladijatore, plaćenike, sve više ginu i rezervisti. Borbe se vode malim jedinicama koje imaju veliku vatrenu moć: na ključnom bojištu, u istočnoj Ukrajini, sučeljene strane angažovale su ono što bi se nekada nazvalo po jednim armijskim korpusom. Nedostaju milioni vojnika iz Prvog svetskog rata; po svemu ostalom, ovo jeste repriza Velikog rata. Postoji Belgija, i postoji kajzer V(ilhelm/ ladimir). I postoji stalni rizik da rat skrene u reprizu Musolinijevog uništavanja Etiopije, ili, čak, u pravcu japanskih iskustava iz poslednjeg meseca Drugog svetskog rata.

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ROBOTROLLING 2/2021

Author(s): Rolf Fredheim / Language(s): English

In this edition of Robotrolling we track the most significant increase in inauthentic Russian-language social media activity we have observed since we began in 2017. While the level of bot activity remains much lower than four years ago, the uptick is concerning. The increased activity coincided with the spring and summer military exercise season, and the period running up to the Russian Federation’s Zapad exercises, scheduled for September 2021. While fake activity increased in the Russian-language space, we observed no increase in English-language activity, either from bots or from human-controlled accounts. In this edition of Robotrolling, we introduce the Global Database of Events Location and Tone (GDELT). This database of news articles helps map how the conversation about NATO in Poland and the Baltics is covered by news media, and serves as a contrast to the environment observed on Twitter and VK. This contrast reveals that in April 2021—as Russian troops mobilized along the Ukrainian border—inauthentic Russian accounts were also disproportionately active online. We round off the issue with a discussion of how AI can help us better understand the global news environment in near-real time, based on conversations with StratCom COE expert Gundars Bergmanis-Korāts and GDELT-founder Kalev Leetaru.

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ROBOTROLLING 1/2022

Author(s): Rolf Fredheim,Martha Stolze / Language(s): English

In this edition of Robotrolling, we trace messaging about the build-up to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Since the illegal annexation of Crimea, there has been an expectation that kinetic activity would be preceded by large-scale information activities. We assess that the period from August 2021 to 20 February 2022 saw an increase in elite statements (and troop movements) unmatched by fake pro-Kremlin social media activity. This may reflect a top-down communication hierarchy, wherein lower echelons either received little guidance, or the guidance was to be silent. The volumes of automated activity were too low to offer any reliable signal of the looming invasion. In February 2022, pro-Kremlin channels and accounts amplified the narrative that the “genocide” of Russian-speakers in the Donbas justified intervention. Our analysis shows that this narrative’s traction was attributable to statements by Putin personally, not online propaganda channels. The comparative absence of pro-Kremlin activity on Twitter, combined with increased activity on VKontakte, suggests that Kremlin propagandists prioritised domestic audiences. On Twitter, the increase in Russian-language tweets about NATO was overwhelmingly driven by anti-Kremlin and pro-Ukrainian messaging. The share of automated messages on Twitter and VK about the Baltic states, Poland and NATO dropped, amidst greatly increased overall traffic. Bots accounted for 30% of Russian language and 12% of English-language messages on Twitter; and for 15% of messages about the region on VK. In February 2022, the number of English tweets was seven times higher than Russian tweets.

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 224, god. XV, Beograd, sreda, 21. oktobar 2020.

Author(s): Dušan Grlja,Milica Ivić,Aleksandra Sekulić / Language(s): Serbian

MIKSER, Dušan Grlja: Pitanja (evropskog) mira; anti CEMENT, Milica Ivić: Kako to mislite Zadnje Doba; ŠTRAFTA, Aleksandra Sekulić: Hodati sredinom ulice

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Newsletter 08-09/2021

Author(s): Vesna Pusić,Boris Pavelić,Srđan Šušnica,Mustafa Akyol,Vlado Azinović,Afiya Shehrbano Zia,Jennifer Heath,Ashraf Zahedi / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian

U ovom broju Newslettera Atlantske inicijative donosimo niz aktualnih analiza i mišljenja o političkoj situaciji na Zapadnom Balkanu, s posebnim fokusom na posljednju krizu u Bosni i Hercegovini uzrokovanu sistemskom blokadom njenih državnih insititucija, ali se osvrćemo i na globalnu krizu nastalu u Afganistanu nakon povlačenja Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Umjesto uvodnika objavljujemo tekst Vesne Pusić koja piše o deblokadi euroatlantskih procesa kao putu ka transformaciji Bosne i Hercegovine i ostalih zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, te kako EU mora pronaći novi modus vivendi s Rusijom i na taj način oduzeti vjetar iz jedara lokalnih disruptora koji su se u tom političkom međuprostoru pokazali efikasnom preprekom europskoj transformaciji ovog regiona. Također, u kontekstu posljednje krize, poznati hrvatski novinar Boris Pavelić piše o odnosima Sarajeva i Zagreba. Pavelić se posebno osvrće na politiku predsjednika Hrvatske Zorana Milanovića koja u posljednje vrijeme sve više parira politici predsjednika Srbije Aleksandra Vučića, a koje zajedno osnažuju destruktivne nacionalizme u Bosni i Hercegovini. Posljednje tenzije na Zapadnom Balkanu analizira Srđan Šušnica, kutlurolog i publicista, te dobar poznavatelj ruske politike i njenog malignog utjecaja u regionu, posebno na Srbiju. Prema ovom autoru stabilnost i mir u regionu Balkana ovisiće o odlučnosti Evropske unije i Sjedinjenih Država da vojno, ekonomskim i političkim sankcijama spriječe remetilačke politike u Srbiji, bh. entitetu RS kao i u Crnoj Gori i na Sjeveru Kosova. Za ovaj broj Newslettera interjvu je dao ugledni turski pisac i novinar Mustafa Akyol koji piše o religiji i politici u muslimanskom svijetu. S Akyolom je povodom izlaska njegove knjige Ponovno otvaranje muslimanskih umova, koja uskoro izlazi i u bosanskom izdanju, razgovarala Amila Buturović. Njegova knjiga je izazvala globalnu pažnju i veliko zanimanje, posebno zbog poziva na reformu i prosvjetiteljstvo unutar islama kao put ka rješavanju nagomilanih problema muslimanskih društava. Vlado Azinović u ovom broju piše o nedavnom izlasku iz zatvora Huseina Bilala Bosnića kojeg je Sud Bosne i Hercegovine osudio na sedmogodišnju kaznu zatvora zbog podsticanja i vrbovanja na terorističke aktivnosti i organiziranja terorističke skupine. Budući da je u sudskom procesu Bosniću bio vještak Tužiteljstva BiH, Azinović se osvrće na sami proces i optužbe zbog kojih je Bosnić osuđen, ali donosi i analizu njegovih aktivnosti, ideologije i mogućih budućih angažmana. U ovo broju također donosimo dva aktualna teksta o novonastaloj situaciji u Afganistanu nakon povratka talibana na vlast. Afiya Shehrbano Zia piše o otporu i borbi afganistanskih žena protiv ugnjetavanja u kontekstu globalnih feminističkih rasprava i kritike prema intervencijama zapadnih sila u Afganistanu, ali i angažmana nezapadnih feministkinja u pružanju pomoći ženama ove zemlje. Također, Jenifer Heath i Ashraf Zahedi, pišu zajednički tekst o stanju i perspektivama žena u Afganistanu, o njihovom djelovanju, obrazovanju i pravima u kontekstu nove realnosti povratka talibana na vlast nakon dvadesetogodišnje američke okupacije ove zemlje i nedavnog povlačenja.

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Where to? Bosnia and Herzegovina at the crossroads

Author(s): Sonja Biserko,Tanja Topic,Dušan Janjić,Almir Džuvo,Hana Sokolović,Faruk Vele,Slobodan Blagovčanin,Eric Folkestad / Language(s): English

Milorad Dodik’s increasingly radical behavior is not accidental. Many analysts see it as an expression of his uncertainty given the presence of a new team of American diplomats in the Balkans. However, one should also keep in mind the international context, the fact that all actors are preoccupied by their own situations. Belgrade is trying, in something of an international political vacuum, to test the possibility of implementing a state project that has never been abandoned, especially in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro.

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Europeanization of election manifestos in Montenegro - To which extent political parties acknowledge European policies?

Author(s): Vladimir Vučković / Language(s): English

This study aims to assess the so far track record concerning Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro, aspiring state to European Union (EU) full membership. More precisely, Montenegro is a candidate for membership into EU, and by opening the 24 negotiating chapters, out of which two were temporarily closed, Montenegro positioned itself as leading amongst Western Balkan states in the European integration process. As in the majority of European states, political parties in Montenegro play crucial role in internal political processes, thus affecting the subsequent political shaping of the society. Hence, the focus of this research lies on the reach and outcome of EU’s influence with regards to political parties in Montenegro by observing the “top – down” approach of European integration process to actors of representative democracy, as generators of extensive internal changes, but also by noting the changes between relevant parties, and their acting in terms of the EU’s influence on domestic political agents. Therefore, subject of research focuses on providing the replay to question: whether the interest for the concept of Europeanization increased or decreased amongst Montenegrin political parties during the Parliamentary elections 2016, especially taking into account the progress Montenegro made in the European integration process. Based on the defined methodological framework, study tends to answer to a research inquiry: whether European policies come to fore within the election manifestos of political parties in Montenegro, during the Parliamentary elections 2016? As a result, the contribution of this research will be reflected in the identification of current level of Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro based on the analyses of election manifestos in context of European integration. Furthermore, objective of this research is to encourage the development of academic literature on the Europeanization of candidate states for the membership in EU, and in specific through case study of Montenegro and dynamics of Europeanization of political parties in Montenegro. Parties are crucial and imminent factors of political sphere in every country, including Montenegro, where the creation of state and individual public policy is practically impossible without their full participation. By laying out party’s views, believes and opinions concerning the issue of EU membership, parties in Montenegro affect the opinions of citizens to the great extent. Likewise, they pose one of the important channels of informing the public on the current EU policies and values, and the advantages and deficiencies transposed by the accession process. Henceforth, it is important to determine the level of transformative power of EU within domestic political parties, given that in the upcoming period they will influence the pace and quality of Montenegrin accession negotiations, as well as the rise or decrease of citizens’ support for that process.

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