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In the debate on ‘globalisation’ and politics, two concepts have become ubiquitous: ‘global civil society’ and ‘global governance’. Let us attempt to determine a definition of each term and then progress to a discussion of democracy in relation to these institutional forms of social action.
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A historical review of municipal governance and decentralization. Essence, types and forms of decentralization. The paper presents the role of self-governance and the connection between municipality, local self-governance and decentralization. It points out some of the starting points in the discussion to formulate decentralization: according to the general approach to the transfer of responsibilities; the approach to analysis of decentralization as dynamic process based on interaction and partnership. The types of decentralization are presented in detail: financial, political, spatial, market and administrative and their interaction and mutual influence. The paper discusses four main trends in the development of decentralization: in a historical aspect (from the 1960's until now); decentralization as a counterpoint to globalization; based on the concept that individuals set store by integrity of real existence; decentralization as a complex of four dimensions (local collectivity) external milieu, local collectivity/internal milieu, individual/internal milieu. It touches on topical problems at the implementation of decentralization in Bulgaria from 1991 to 2015. Finally, it presents the prospects for the development of decentralization in Bulgaria in the context of the implementation of the Decentralization Strategy for the period until 2025.
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The 10-year-long endeavour of the Central European countries focused on reconstruction of their political and economic system found its reflection in strengthening and consolidation of democracy and thus in achieving a considerable level of integration capacities, necessary for a successful finish of the integration process. On the other hand the integration configuration of the EU states as a recipient of new democracies needed a whole decade to reach an appropriate absorption capacity that would enable the EU to enlarge by 5 up to 10 new member states. The EU Summit in Nice in December 2001 became despite many doubts and disbeliefs the crucial breaking moment of the EU enlargement process. It defined the necessity of institutional changes in the structure of the EU because of the enlargement process and called upon the representatives of the national parliaments and political, economic and university circles to open a wide discussion about the political and economic organization of our continent. The Nice Summit co-invited the candidate countries to participate in a preparation of the reform in following four directions: - division of organization between the EU institutions and institutions of the member states; - implementation of the EU Charter of Human Rights; - issue of simplifying resolutions of the EU Summits to make them more understandable for a wider European public; - role of national parliaments in creating the architecture of future Europe.
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The transformation of the Slovak Code of Legislation means a complex of legal reforms, which are more or less successfully or less successfully carried out in all fields of law. In this connection we can talk about: - reform and modernization of the Constitution of the Slovak Republic; - harmonization of the Slovak law with the European Union law; - recodification of civil and criminal law; - reform of jurisdiction.
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In the year 2000 the half time of existence of the current governmental coalition as such and the Dzurinda's government in particular was balanced. Also those who have presented themselves until now as governmental permanent critics if they do not belong directly to radical political opposition they could not let a whole series of remarkable successes of this government unacknowledged, starting, of course, with foreign policy followed by economy (accepting Slovakia into the OECD) and stabilisation of rule of law by participation policy (presence of the Hungarian minority in the governmental coalition), by rehabilitation of political culture and even by fight against crime - as is for instance praised by Milan Zitny in the article Home in the half time (Domino Forum 44/2000, p. 2). Even some moderate representatives of political opposition admit some undeniable successes of this government. In both cases this positive statement was accompanied by ambiguous but. followed by a fusillade of objections and disappointments, even invectives and offences of honour.
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The objective of my presentation is to reflect on the role of institutions in the process of forming the Slovak foreign policy and their transformation and effectiveness. Almost eight years have passed since the establishment of the sovereign state in 1993 and this is a relatively short term (under normal conditions two regular election periods), in our case a complicated one due to periods of government of V. Meciar directed towards an extraordinary polarization of society what has also effected forming of character of many political institutions. In several of my articles I tried to bring the attention to the influence of four basic actors in the sphere of foreign policy, namely: personalities, elite, institutions and conceptions. I would like to call attention to this model again so that we may understand our discourse on institutions in close connection with the other above-mentioned actors. It goes without saying that in this contribution, which is limited by time and space I cannot offer a deep analysis only a critical glossary. I will focus my attention on the following institutions: the President of the SR, Prime Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, educational institutions and new informal institutional initiatives.
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Naším prioritným strategickým cieľom je členstvo v Európskej únii. Už v decembri 1998 Národná rada SR prijala Deklaráciu o vstupe Slovenskej republiky do Európskej únie. Boli sme si vedomí toho, že rok 1999 bude prelomovým rokom. Počas celého hodnoteného obdobia sa Národná rada SR sústreďovala na naplnenie kodanských politických kritérií, na odstránenie deficitu demokracie, ktorý nám tu zanechala predchádzajúca koalícia. Iba pripomeniem, že medzi najdôležitejšie legislatívne kroky patrilo: a) prijatie ústavného zákona o priamej voľbe prezidenta republiky, b) prijatie zákona o používaní jazykov národnostných menšín a c) účasť opozície v or- gánoch parlamentu, osobitne v útvaroch kontroly. Pozitívny význam mala aj ďalšia legislatívna činnosť Národnej rady SR, hoci v nej prevažovalo skrátené legislatívne konanie či už zo subjektívnych alebo objektívnych príčin. Osobne si myslím, že naša práca mohla byť efektívnejšia.
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Tento príspevok má ambíciu predstaviť obraz jednoročného úsilia vlády Slovenskej republiky o dosiahnutie strategických zahraničnopolitických cieľov v oblasti integrácie tak, ako sú uvedené i v programovom vyhlásení vlády SR.
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Som rád, že uplynulý rok zápasu Slovenska so strateným časom môžeme dnes hodnotiť ako úspešný. Na rozdiel od roku 1998, keď bývalá vláda dostala z Luxemburgu negatívnu odpoveď za nedostatok demokracie, minuloročné snahy o integráciu našej krajiny do euroatlantických štruktúr korunovala pozvánka k rokovaciemu stolu. Helsinský verdikt potvrdil správnosť krokov súčasnej slovenskej vlády na poli vnútornej, ale aj zahraničnej politiky. Zároveň vzkriesil šancu dostihnúť krajiny z prvej skupiny uchádzačov o členstvo v Európskej únii a vstúpiť do Únie s partnermi Visegrádskej štvorky.
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Dovolím si v úvode konštatovať, že slovenská zahraničná politika bola v minulom roku úspešná. Uvedomujem si význam Hemingwayovho výroku o tom, že každý má pravdu, pokiaľ sa nemýli. Faktom však je, že Slovensko si získalo medzinárodné uzna- nie svojimi konštruktívnymi postojmi a prístupom k riešeniu problémov. Tých prob- lémov, ktoré ho predtým smerovali skôr do izolácie. Vnútropolitická konsolidácia sa prejavila aj v našej medzinárodnopolitickej aktivizácii, keď sme sa nesústredili len na zlepšenie obrazu Slovenska, ale prispeli sme aj k riešeniu medzinárodných problé- mov. Z tohto pohľadu išlo v roku 1999 o posun prinajmenšom o dva kroky. Ten dru- hý krok bol kvalitatívnym posunom vpred. Nemienim Vás však teraz unavovať výpo- čtom toho, čo sme v roku 1999 dokázali a čo nie. Písalo sa o tom v novinách, v par- lamente je pripravená Správa o plnení úloh zahraničnej politiky SR za rok 1999, ktorú bude plénum prerokúvať v marci t. r. Keďže sa nachádzam na hodnotiacej konferen- cii, skúsim zobrať toto hodnotenie z druhej strany a hovoriť o tom, aké výzvy stoja pred slovenskou diplomaciou po roku 1999. Nebudem teda hovoriť o tom, aké vý- sledky sme dosiahli, ale čo treba urobiť.
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Nie som si istá, či by sme mali rok 1999 pokladať za skutočne prelom, či to nie je skôr rok návratu na pozície, na ktorých sme už raz boli. Nejde mi len o slovičkárenie. Prelom znamená vstup do dverí, ktoré pre nás ešte nikdy neboli otvorené, prelom znamená možnosť pozerať sa bez strachu dozadu, bez strachu, že sa môžeme znovu vydať falošnou cestou, ako sme sa ňou ako krajina vydali v rokoch 95-98. Z tohto pohľadu preto tvrdím, že sa ešte stále len vraciame, naprávame, ešte stále nám hrozí nebezpečenstvo cesty späť do marazmu izolácie.
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Rok 1999 je možné pri dnešnom retrospektívnom zahraničnopolitickom hodnotení považovať za mimoriadne intenzívny a plodný. Inventúra našej zahraničnej politiky na konci roka 1998 poukazovala na neprimerane veľký rozpor medzi realitou a ambíciami Slovenska. Vážnou výzvou pre slovenskú zahraničnú politiku bola potreba znovuetablovať Slovenskú republiku do pozície dôveryhodného partnera pre našich susedov a vážneho kandidáta na členstvo v NATO, OECD a EÚ, obnoviť vnímanie Slovenskej republiky ako vyspelej, demokratickej a pozitívne sa rozvíjajúcej stredoeurópskej krajiny.
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In 2009 election manifesto Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) leaders voiced their decisive support for stronger engagement in international climate negotiations. The promises were realized by an ambitious climate mitigation proposal presented by Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio at COP 15 in Copenhagen. 25% CO2 levels reduction commitment was heavily criticized by Japanese opposition, METI bureaucrats and business circles. Despite strong domestic opposition Prime Minister Hatoyama decided to place climate mitigation among priorities of his foreign policy. Next DPJ administration quickly backtracked from the position of climate leader. The head of the Japanese delegation at COP 16 in Mexico stated that Japan would not be a part of new Kyoto Protocol commitment period. The aim of the article is to identify changing factors in decision–making process that led to quick change in DPJ’s approach to international climate mitigation efforts.
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Hantos’ ideas contained progressive elements and made a realistic of-fer to the states of Central Europe. Its timing was unfortunate, however, because the new nation states’ desire for separation made its realization more difficult. Also, Germany’s breakthrough, and its new network of bi-lateral economic relations made virtually impossible the alliance of the Central European countries. Other attempts at integration have emerged too which also weakened the process. Hantos’ recognition, and offer of freedom from old grudges was a viable alternative to the weary nations of Central Europe. Elemér Hantos was a precursor of the spirit seeking the possible ways of coexistence, and no longer just for Central Europe, but for the whole of Europe: to emphasize what unites us, not what separates us.
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Georgi Dimitrov (1882–1949) Bulgarian communist leader, head of state after 1945. His international recognition was acquired in 1933, follo-wing the German Reichstag–fire trial in Leipzig, where he was acquitted of Hitler's judges, accused by Herman Göring and Joseph Goebbels. He moved then to Moscow, where he became secretary general of the Communist International, wich controlled of the communist parties aro-und the world. He had a role in the elaboration of the popular front policy - successful in France and Spain. At the same time he had to suffer of Sta-lin's dictatorship, he had to experience the execution of. After 1945, with the Yugoslavian Joszip Broz Tito, many of his associates they saw the op-portunity in the Balkan Federation to loosening the dependence on Sta-lin. What Tito did, he did not succeed: the presence of Soviet troops in Bulgaria had decided the outcome.
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