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Ukrainian security agency says men were deported for endangering national security interests.
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Ukrainian security agency says men were deported for endangering national security interests.
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Authorities have not confirmed reports gunmen who killed a security officer were Chechens.
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The article, based on archival materials, describes events connected with the preparation of the demonstration on February 14, 1917. It is shown that, in the atmosphere of the “Gov¬ernment Assault” undertaken by the liberal opposition, the group of the most radical opposition, supported by the Central Military Industrial Committee and led by A. I. Guchkov decided to join the workers’ organizations in order to organize a grand anti-government demonstration. The Central Military Industrial Committee kept contact with the working people through the “Working Group”, which was a part of the Committee and was headed by the Menshevik K.A.Gvozdev. It was expected that on the day of the convocation of the State Duma, on February 14, a hundred thousand people would gather at the walls of the State Duma and would require the deputies to create a “Provisional Government” responsible to the Duma and the “people”. In case the police and government forces tried to scatter the protesters, then, according to the police, it was planned to provide armed resistance; weapons were given to people at some factories. It was supposed that the manifestation could become the beginning of an armed uprising and revolution. The authorities were worried by the news received, and they arrested the “Working Group”, nevertheless, preparations continued. However, the possibility of an uncontrolled development of events worried the moderate leaders of the Progressive Bloc and, at a meeting on January 29, P.S.Miliukov spoke out against the planned demonstration. At the same time, another leader of the Bloc, M.V.Rodzianko, tried to use the fears of the authorities to get their consent to the creation of a responsible ministry. Finally, Miliukov and Rodzianko made an appeal before the workers to refrain from demonstration, and it did not take place. However the authorities appreciated the loyalty of the opposition and, according to some information, Nicholas II decided to agree to the creation of a responsible ministry.
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Senior Russian lawmaker confirms deployment of ballistic missiles in Kaliningrad.
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The article presents the legal aspects of the positioning of a new scientific discipline – the science of safety in the systematics of Polish science. The determinants of the genesis of this discipline derive from the growing threat to global security. Subsequently, interest in security issues in other scientific disciplines was analyzed, and the resulting difficulty in identifying the identity of the safety sciences was clearly outlined. The author proposed a functional approach to the relationship between safety and risk in the context of risk analysis.
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Problems related to social security can be seen in various aspects as a particular type of security. In the literature in the field of political science, economics, sociology or science of safety there are different concepts characterizing this category. The issue of social security is a complex and ambiguous-reproductive, because this phenomenon is dynamic and dependent on many factors. The work is an attempt to answer the question of what are the theoretical foundations of social security on the basis of the teachings of the safety and whether it can enter other, closely related to national security category, concepts, eg. social security of the nation. The reference point for discussion is the system of national security. The author proposed a definition of social security of the nation and pointed out the main elements characterizing this concept. The rationale for the choice of topic is also a need to shape the real way to solve scientific problems of modern science on the basis of safety, including those related to operationalization of concepts and circumscribe an area of knowledge (or unawareness), which should focus on the search for representatives of this new scientific discipline.
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Since the 1980s, there has been a debate about the evolution of the notion of security and its dimensions. The Copenhagen School, and its key concepts such as securitization, and security sectors, closely keep up with this security discourse and criticize traditional paradigms that could not predict the collapse of the USSR and the end of the Cold War. Therefore, the subject of this paper is to present the importance of main assumptions of critical security studies using the example of the Copenhagen School and the intersubjective approach to security in its multidimensional aspect.
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The creation of a unified empire by Charlemagne required quite a number of victims, one of whom was Tassilo III, the last duke of the Agilolfing dynasty reigning in Bavaria for two centuries. The history of his fall may awake the legal historians’ interest because the Frank monarch dethroned him not by means of a bloody military defeat but by a legal trial (now called show trial1) in 788. Before the trial Charlemagne isolated Tassilo both in foreign and home affairs by means of carefully measured diplomatic steps. Finally, putting him under his jurisdiction in 787, he made him his vassal. The main charges brought against Tassilo were infidelitas, i.e., unfaithfulness to the liege lord and harisliz, i.e., desertion – though the latter was claimed to had been carried out a quarter of a century before the legal trial. The given work aims to enlighten the legal background of this rather opaque case by contouring the historical context. First we consider Tassilo’s reign and the historical background of the trial, then we investigat the Franko-Bavarian conflict and the iuramenta fidelitatis of Tassilo. In the end, after highlighting the question of infidelitas and of harisliz we analyse the show trial itself.
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There are many theoretical and legal issues related to the operation of private military companies (PMCs) and their presence (location of their registered offices) in democratic states under the rule of law that remain unsolved in legal doctrine and practice. There are no clear rules at an international level that define the status of these agencies and the way in which they carry out their duties. There is also the problem of distinguishing between contractors and mercenaries. PMCs, like private security companies (PSCs), are used by states in exchange for large government contracts in so-called „unwanted wars”, where it is cheaper to conduct operations without parliamentary oversight, media publicity, or social objections to sending military contingents abroad. Sometimes it is a question of providing discrete military aid to „friend countries”. PMCs are politically safer in such a situation. Not only states but also non-governmental organizations, private companies, rebel groups and declining dictators hire these private armies. The problem requires urgent multifaceted reflection leading to changes in legal doctrine and legislative action, both at the international level and in individual countries.
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Abstract. We know very little about the origins of and ways to prevent genocide from occurring. Despite it being a rare event, 36 cases of genocide or politicide occurred between 1955 and 2000, 80% of which took place during a civil war. The relationship between these two phenomena has been overlooked by both of the respective literatures. I hypothesize that the duration of the civil war, as well as the intensity of the conflict have some bearing on whether or not genocide or politicide occur. Using a selection model, which allows for the isolation of mechanisms in both stages: entry into civil war and the subsequent escalation to genocide or politicide, I test this argument. Interestingly, once selection into a civil war is accounted for ethnic heterogeneity has a greater statistical and substantive impact on genocide/politicide onset than was previously believed.
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Charakteryzując Prezydenta RP jako zarazem najwyższego zwierzchnika Sił Zbrojnych (art. 134 ust. 1), autorzy Konstytucji z 1997 roku wyposażyli go tym samym w środki prawne praktycznego realizowania jednego z jego zadań (funkcji) jakim jest stanie na straży suwerenności i bezpieczeństwa państwa oraz nienaruszalności i niepodzielności jego terytorium (art. 126 ust. 2)1 . Słowne ujęcie powyższej funkcji Prezydenta jest bardzo zbliżone do brzmienia przepisu konstytucji określającego funkcję Sił Zbrojnych jako służenie ochronie niepodległości państwa i niepodzielności jego terytorium oraz zapewnieniu bezpieczeństwa i nienaruszalności jego granic (art. 26 ust. 1).
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Koniec panowania królowej Elżbiety I to w Anglii okres intensywnego rozwoju ekonomicznego. Sukcesy militarne i polityczne pozwoliły na powstanie na Wyspach nowego rodzaju gospodarki, opartej na rodzącym się przemyśle i handlu. Rozwój górnictwa, włókiennictwa i bankowości doprowadził do powstania nowej klasy, która swój byt opierała nie, tak jak stara arystokracja na własności ziemskiej, lecz na swobodnej wymianie i niczym nieograniczonej aktywności gospodarczej. Jednakże ten nowy element w społeczeństwie angielskim nie miał jeszcze wystarczających wpływów politycznych, funkcjonować musiał zatem w otoczeniu, które opierało się na średniowiecznych jeszcze wzorcach i zasadach. Jedność porządku religijnego i politycznego musiała tę nową antynomię przekuć na spory nie tylko o charakterze ekonomicznym, lecz także religijnym. Kościół anglikański bowiem, który swą doktrynę społeczną odziedziczył po katolicyzmie, z wielką nieufnością spoglądał na procesy, które destrukcyjnie wpływały na odziedziczony jeszcze po wiekach średnich ład ekonomiczny, społeczny, a w końcu polityczny. Jedną z osi sporu był problem własności prywatnej i jej społecznego uzasadnienia. W zaczerpniętej od doktorów Kościoła doktrynie anglikańskiej była ona podporządkowana moralnym zasadom, które nakazywały wykorzystywanie jej nie tylko dla korzyści właściciela, lecz także dla dobra wspólnoty i bliźnich. Dlatego Richard Hooker dowodził, iż istnieje obowiązek dzielenia się nią z tymi, którzy znajdują się w potrzebie. W systemie tym Kościół, jako instytucja państwowa, stać miał na straży właściwej dystrybucji bogactw.
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In the autumn of 1918, on the background of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian army, the Romanian soldiers from Transylvania, Banat and Bukovina encouraged by the launch of the imperial manifest entitled ,,To my faithful nations!” which allowed the foundation of the ,,national councils”, set the basis of the national military organisms, that bespoke the manner in which they had become aware of putting into practice the imperial recommendations regarding the dissolution of the central authority and the transfer of authority from center to periphery. So the Romanian Central Senate of the Officers and Soldiers from Vienna (the 31st of October-the 27th of November 1918), the Romanian Legion from Prague (the 30th of October-the 24th of November 1918) and the National Guard of the Sailors from Pola (the 30th of October-the 22nd of November 1918) were founded, the last one being also the topic of the present study. Why were they exactly founded within these centers? For simple reasons; at that moment Vienna represented the main railway junction of the Empire, Prague was the center of the Romanian units of the Second Regiment Braşov, of the 51st Regiment Cluj and of the 37th Regiment Oradea, while Pola was the headquarter of the Austro-Hungarian navy. The activity of the Romanian National Guard of the Sailors from Pola, comprising the main base of the Austro-Hungarian military navy, has remained until now almost unknown both because of the absence of the documentary material and also of the interpretations provided during time. Through the present study, we have aimed at presenting some elements related to the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian navy in the autumn of 1918 as well as the most important events that have led to the foundation of the Romanian National Guard of the Sailors from Pola. We have focused our attention on the foundation and the activity of this guard, its administration and its members and also on all the aspects referring to the concentration, the organization and the dispatch to Transylvania of the Romanian sailors. So as to consolidate the aspects presented during our study, in its annex we have included, in a transliterated version, the annotations of sergeant Valeriu Seredan, the commandant of this organism, published in 1922, almost unknown to the large audience and equally unpublished.
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The aim of the article is to determine the strategic conditions of use of the armed forces of West Germany (the Bundeswehr) since its inception in 1955 until its unification with the National People’s Army (1989/1990). In the first part the features of the security environment in Germany have been shown and the main political, military and economic threats identified. As the result of the presented strategic analysis of the state environment as well as the parallel description of the set of values, interests and political goals in the security field, the conceptions of using the Bundeswehr as the army of the national state and a member of the NATO have been characterized.
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The aim of the article is to present the idea that Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war influences the world order and international relations. It also points to the fact that Russia exploits new digital technology in this conflict. Furthermore, the article emphasizes the use of fake news, propaganda, interference in the election processes and cybernetic attacks that are a new weapon of the new generation warfare – hybrid war or war of the information society. Moreover, the author describes the activities that Russian Federation has undertaken in Estonia since 2007 and it also illustrates the purpose of Russian aggressive measures. The author makes an attempt to prove that the main purpose of Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war is to create chaos, undermine the values of the democratic world and cultivate a comprehensive atmosphere of mistrust and nihilism. Additionally, it is stated that the aggressor uses the very institutes of democracy and their weaknesses as a weapon.
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The article attempts to investigate the features of the legal proceedings implementation in the Second Polish Republic and the place of Stanyslaviv District Court in that difficult for West Ukrainian lands important processes. Some aspects of the legal proceedings of Stanyslaviv District Court in the political processes of interwar Poland in the 1920s are clarified. The information, representing the activities of the judicial agancies of Stanyslaviv in the composition of the Second Polish Republic is used,from the documents of the State Archives of Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast. The research methodology is determined by using the following methods: normative-value, logical analysis, generalization and systematization. The features of the legal proceedings regarding prosecutions of people on the basis of Ukrainian nationality for belonging to the Ukrainian Military Organization are revealed. The attitude of Ukrainians towards national (mononational) politics of the Second Polish Republic in Eastern Galicia is characterized. The problems of the invasive integration of Ukrainian lands into the Polish state in the 1920s are defined.
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This article takes up the highly debated—yet significant for security studies— concept of strategic culture, applied to the multilateral players in international relations. It uses NATO as a case study. This attempt (based on existing research, most notably by Kerry Longhurst) starts from building the operational definition of an organisation’s strategic culture, and identifying its key structural elements (basic features, interpretative factors and regulatory practices). Based on these findings, it ponders the exemplary „strategic culture building blocks,” such as NATO bureaucracy, strategic concepts and internal debates. The purpose of this analysis is to better understand the Alliance’s strategic culture, not only for reason of theory-building, but also as an analytical and predictive tool.
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The article is sanctified to research of reasons of appearance and stay of Ukrainians in composition Army of general Anders in the years of Second world war. To reasons of appearance of Ukrainians in composition the Polish military forming it is possible to take historical afterclaps: participating of Ukrainians in composition Polish Army in the Soviet-Polish war-time of 1939 and further stay of Ukrainians in soviet camps for an internee, and also soviet repressions against the Polish citizens on territory of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus that lasted in a period from September in 1939 to June 1941.
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The article describes contemporary models of states of emergency, indicated by constitutionalists and legal theorists, to point out specific and necessary features of states of emergency and their theoretical models. These introductory commentaries are made to analyze Polish Martial Law decrees of 1981. The author concludes that Polish experience of martial law in 1981 cannot be treated as fulfilling conditions of state of emergency recognized by constitutional law in modern states.
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Currently, the nature of military conflict has suffered substantial changes, beyond conventional actions between state armies, towards non-conventional conflicts and hybrid warfare that brings about changes to the organization and structure of military forces, manner of action, fighting techniques and means. We are witnessing a new type of menace for military security, that proves to be a complex and multidimensional military warfare, with lethal consequences, and that includes strategies, tactics and symmetric, asymmetric, conventional and non-conventional techniques, its main subjects being both State and non-State actors that use information and communication technologies. As a result of the evolution of the technologies for developing modern conflicts/wars, we note the extension of the menace of hybrid non-conventional warfare, which generates an increased danger to all components of national security, as well as an impact on regional security.
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