Around the Bloc: Berlin, Kyiv Revive Talk of Peacekeepers for Ukraine
Germany’s top diplomat slams U.S. decision to supply anti-tank weapons to Kyiv.
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Germany’s top diplomat slams U.S. decision to supply anti-tank weapons to Kyiv.
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The article discusses the recent trends on the world’s oil market and the most important consequences connected with the future oil scarcity. There is a danger that the world will be left some day without oil and with no other viable energy resources. According to the estimates of the International Energy Agency the so called “peak oil” may occur in 2020 and since that time the competition for oil and other raw materials will increase. However it is not peak oil production but peak oil exports the main problem. The fact is that since 2006 the global net exports of oil have already begun to decline at the rate of about 2,5% yearly. & ere is a need to start the explorations of the new oil fields in order to meet the rising demand for oil. Higher oil prices will create more opportunities to increase production of oil from the difficult oil fields such as those in the Arctic, Amazonia and Alaska. O n the other hand as world oil security measured in terms of the oil supply available on the global market deteriorates, individual oil producing countries may limit or even ban oil exports. Some countries will be tempted to start the exploitation of some oil fields, whose international status is still unregulated or nor precisely delimited as the recent conflict between the United Kingdom and Argentina confirms. All countries, both oil exporting and importing should not compete over oil resources with the help of military force, which would lead to the strategic resource wars. Rather the new mechanism for peaceful coordinating various initiatives focused on delivering energy security is needed. The problem is that the current global system is ill-designed for such a world without conflict driven by competition over resources and humans are still inherently a warlike species accustomed to resolve their conflicts with the use of military force.
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The article focuses on Romania’s attitude during the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008. Romanian President Traian Băsescu was one of the main critics of Kremlin’s policy, however, during the active phase of the Russian invasion in Georgia, Romanian authorities limited themselves to declarative speeches. The Russian-Georgian war coincided with the start of the parliamentary election campaign in Romania. For the opposition parties, the conflict in Caucasus has become one of the many topics used to criticize President Băsescu’s foreign policy. Romanian authorities also used the aggression of Moscow to mobilize voters by warning against a repetition of a similar scenario in the neighboring state of Moldova (Transnistria).
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W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę spojrzenia – w sposób bardzo ogólny – na sytuację państw Partnerstwa Wschodniego (PW) Unii Europejskiej w warunkach trwającego na Ukrainie konfliktu zbrojnego (inaczej tzw. kryzysu ukraińskiego). Konflikt zbrojny trwający na Ukrainie powoduje, że zmianie uległa nie tylko sytuacja geopolityczna Europy Wschodniej, ale również warunki, w jakich realizowana jest polityka wschodnia Unii Europejskiej. Dość często Partnerstwo Wschodnie postrzegane jest jako polityka mało skuteczna, a nawet polityka, która straciła rację bytu. Pojawiają się też opinie o upadku projektu PW. Czy na pewno możemy mówić, że projekt PW nie spełnił oczekiwań? Czy działania Rosji wobec państw PW przyczynią się do tego, że osiągnięcie celów PW będzie niemożliwe? Unia Europejska w 2017 roku obchodzi 60-lecie bezprecedensowego wydarzenia w dziejach Europy – podpisania Traktatów Rzymskich. Należy jednak pamiętać, że UE boryka się z szeregiem trudności (w szczególności z kryzysem migracyjnym) oraz Brexitem. Czy w takich warunkach Wspólnota będzie w stanie myśleć o państwach PW? Czy Polska – wspierana przez państwa Grupy Wyszehradzkiej (V4) – będzie w stanie przekonać państwa członkowskie UE do aktywnego zaangażowania się w sprawy Wschodu?
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The article presents the content of three hypotheses, showing the specific relationship between US foreign policy, war, and economy. The research methodology is primarily the methodology of economics. Statistical correlation is presented and the causal analysis of international issues, as interpreted through the prism of US foreign policy, is conducted.
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The article deals with the achievement of the Belarusian scientific thought in the last 20 years in the field of military policy research, military cooperation, and partnership with Russia.
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The article describes the most important tasks and competence of the Military Gendarmerie in the field of fighting against terrorism in Poland as well as during military missions. Special space of the article was dedicated to élite units which are the MG Specialized Units. Addictionally, the author presents the scope of co-operation of Military Gendarmerie with other services.
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The article is devoted to the problem of cultural and educational work interned soldiers Army of Ukrainian National Republic in Polish camps at the beginning of 1920-es. Former soldiers were the main source for the Ukrainian interwar student’s emigration in Poland. Circumstances of origin Ukrainian student’s movement on the basis of military forces are underlined in the article.
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Liga Polskich Rodzin (League of Polish Families) had two points of view toward policy of the United States of America. On the one hand leaders of party thought, that alliance with the USA should be one of the most important principles of Polish foreign policy. Theirs attitude was connected with conviction, that partnership and good relations with American power Poland could protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity in opposite German revisionism and Russian aspiration for rebuilding former political influence in Eastern Europe. Another reason conception for Polish-American cooperation was conviction, that this alliance let Poland receive more economical benefits from the USA than through integration with European Union. The United States of America might be better alternative for economical and social development of Polish country than EU, because, according to attitude of LPR, American power always helps its allies, without forcing on them its diktat in internal and foreign policy. Third reason of pro-American point of view in political thought of LPR was hope, that position main American ally in continental part of Europe could let Poland become one of the more important countries in this part of the world or obtain more better conditions during negotiation with EU. On the other hand leaders of LPR knew that more of them ideas were wishful thinking, which not to be connected with reality and main targets of American foreign policy. As a proof for it showed bad treatment of Poland and Polish citizens by the USA and disregarding interests of Polish state. These activities would be using Polish military forces in operations in Afghanistan and Iraq without any compensation, for example financial help, political support in different international troubles or liquidation visa for Polish citizens. Declared ideas of Polish-American cooperation was mixed with critics policy of the USA, but LPR always stood on position supporting American power, thinking, that alliance with them was more better solution than integrity with EU.
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Issues around which the focus is at stake, for the ongoing Holy Land in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and its impact on the Islamic Resistance Movement. The dispute, which still has not found a solution took on the character of the war of civilization of Islam and the West. Significantly expanded its boundaries and is not just a conflict over land, but the conflict unfolding on several levels – military, ethnic and religious controversy, which engage in other countries recognizing the danger of its further escalation. This article aims to analyze the role of Hamas in the disputed territories, its origins, the links ideological organizational structure. The starting point for the delineation of the relationship is to present contemporary political events and the analysis of stereotypes and misconceptions, which became the basis of mutual aversion two years warring sides in the conflict.
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The article describes relations between State organisms that emerged on the Ukrainian and Kuban Cossacks’ territory of the former Russian Empire at the end of the Great War. Uniting factor was a common enemy (Bolsheviks). Initially, because of a cultural and ethnical similarity Ukrainian elites perceived Kuban as a part of futurę confederation with the centre in Kiev. Cossacks’ perception was determined by necessity of obtaining a military support to respond to Soviet aggression. Ukrainę was able to offer only an indirect one (supplies of military equipment). The Volunteer Army put at their disposal smali but direct support (a few thousand soldiers) and Kuban Cos¬sacks decided to choose an alliance with it. Nevertheless, relations with Ukrainę was maintained and even developed. In November a few technical agreements (among them a consular convention) were signed in Kiev and Ukrainian legation started to operate in Jekaterynodar. The collapse of the Hetmanate and an increase of the importance of the Volunteer Army, which started to limit a political autonomy of Kubań Cossaks, reversed this process. Ukrainian envoy was forced to close its institution and finally was murdered by "white” officers while returning to Kiev.
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Russian aggression in Eastern Europe is fueling fears among NATO allies, but the White House and Warsaw have been talking missile deals for a decade.
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Based on official travel warnings and advisories against terrorism, this study aims to examine the announcements issued by top tourist source countries to Turkey in recent years and Turkey’s condition within these announcements. Travel warnings and advisories, issued on the Foreign Ministry web pages, of Germany, Russia,United Kingdom, Bulgaria, and Iran were analyzed as secondary data within the qualitative research and descriptive analysis was conducted to interpret the data.Results of the study revealed differences in the warnings of tourist source countries and bilateral relations between countries may have a dominating role on travel warnings. By July of 2017, Georgia has neither travel warnings nor advisories against Turkey. United Kingdom, which does not have a special travel warning list, gives the most detailed information about terrorism incidents in Turkey. Iran and Russia have travel warnings about terrorism risk in Turkey. Bulgaria ranks Turkey in the second-level risky countries and advises its citizens to get more information about the current condition of the country. While Turkey is not listed among the countries where Germany has issued travel warnings, it provides information on the latest terrorist incidents in Turkey. Iran, Russia, and Bulgaria do not point out a clear case or place except from Southeast region, though it is stated in their travel advisories that Turkey is under high risk of terrorism. From the point of travel advisory principles of World Tourism Organization, it has become clear that the warnings of tourist source countries must be discussed in terms of reliability and ethics.
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The paper analyzes the communicating methods of Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland. There has been analyzed the strategy of Armed Forces’ communicating with the environment on the basis of communicating practice within the Polish Army, as well as the public relations and marketing theory. There has been presented the communication standards used in Polish Army and regulations of Polish Army direct contact with civilians. There have been presented directions for such situations as a soldier being sent on a mission or recruitment process for both professional and reserve service. There have also been evaluated the results of the communication strategies used by Polish Army.
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Anders Fogh Rasmussen, former Prime Minister of Denmark and Honorary Doctor of Corvinus University, took office as Secretary General of NATO on the 1st of August 2009. This short article reviews the priorities that Mr. Rasmussen would like to further during his period in office. These are: achieving success in Afghanistan, developing NATO–Russia relations, developing a special relationship with Mediterranean Dialogue and Istanbul Cooperation Initiative countries, and strengthening NATO and the European Union relations.
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Nuclear proliferation is shown from two perspectives: optimists and pessimists. In the optimists’ attitude nuclear proliferation is a very reliable and effective nuclear deterrent. Optimists attribute a nuclear deterrence in preventing potential conflicts. For optimists, politicians possessing nuclear arsenal regardless from the political system tend to behave more rationally, especially to other nuclear states. In pessimist’s attitude, nuclear proliferation is a threat and enhances a risk of nuclear war, because: terrorists takeover or theft of nuclear bomb, human factor in miscalculation about intentions of the other side, and by developing a nuclear nets, which facilitates buying a nuclear technology and know-how. Pessimists perceive nuclear proliferation as a threat for a human-being and civilization. Representatives of these two schools agree that nuclear proliferation will be proceed further because it is still an attractive option not only for states.
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The aim of this article is to highlight a structure of war between Georgia and Russia over South Ossetia separatist republic. The author describs background of the conflict by showing main interdependencies in region. Simultaneously, the author presents main rivalry directions in Russian and Georgian policy which were main reasons behind the outbreak of military conflict in 2008. This article also contains considerations about potential influences of war on the security status in the region.
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The security policy of the Empire of Japan in the post-World War II period is a subject of lively interest among both policymakers and scholars in the field of international relations. There are two basic reasons for that. The first one comes from the traditionally important position occupied by this state in regional balance of power in Asia (which significance for the global order constantly rises). The second reason comes from a fact, that at the beginning of the cold war, Japanese leaders adapted a peculiar foreign policy and security strategy, based on disavowal of the instrument of force and limitation of the defense potential to the indispensable minimum. This policy stood in stark contrast with the common practices of the cold war international order. It was also difficult to explain from the perspective of traditional IR theory (based on political realism), which stats that the rise of state’s economic power should lead to great power aspirations and intensive arms build-up. It is intriguing, that the fundamental transformation of the international order, brought by the end of the cold war, initiated a process of change in Japanese security policy, which lead in exactly opposite direction. More unstable regional environment, changes in alliance policy and important changes in domestic political system, all determine an expansion of armed forces and widening of its mission spectrum. The nature and scope of these changes, as well as their causes and effects are extremely important for the analysis of the current and future security environment of Asia.
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After the collapse of the USSR, the Kaliningrad Oblast, which currently constitutes a part of the Russian Federation, has become an exclave neighboring Poland and Lithuania. After these two countries joined the European Union in 2004 the Kaliningrad Oblast has become an ‘isle in the EU’. One of the outcomes of this situation involves regular statements issued by politicians from Moscow and Kaliningrad reassuring that on account of its geostrategy the region is a permanent part of Russia. A special name has even been coined to address this matter – the Kaliningrad issue. There are two main geopolitical concepts: the region is Russia’s westernmost military outpost; and a pilot region for collaboration with the European Union. Although, different concepts have emerged concerning the increased independence and autonomy of this region, its inclusion in Russia is beyond doubt.
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In the aftermath of the Iraq crisis, the North Atlantic Alliance faced its most serious predicament since the ColdWar. Its mission in Afghanistan revealed growing discrepancies between the member states. The Georgian crisis of 2008, the missile defence project and the enlargement showed a lack of coherence. NATO has split up into two or more factions. A crucial question arose as to NATO’s ability to resolve the three main strategic dilemmas which have grown more pressing since the end of the ColdWar: (1) the choice between collective defence as the key role of NATO (Art. 5) and its out-of-area role of combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and international terrorism; (2) the choice between the transatlantic nature of NATO and its global partnerships; (3) the choice between the concept of the global military engagement of NATO and the so called comprehensive approach involving the cooperation of NATO with other security organizations such as the UN, the EU and the OSCE in reconstructing post-conflict regions. NATO’s performance in managing these challenges will bear critically on its future. The Strategic Concept from Lisbon 2010 has helped to clarify many controversial issues within the organization. NATO has managed to mitigate the risk of developing into a multi-tier organization. Relations between the factions have relaxed although interests appear to remain as diverse as they were before.
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