Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Brussels Warns Chisinau Over Electoral Changes
Reforms are supported by pro-Russian president and West-leaning ruling party, but critics say they will undermine democracy.
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Reforms are supported by pro-Russian president and West-leaning ruling party, but critics say they will undermine democracy.
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Social Democrat leader initiated the dismissal of PM and government he nominated, on the grounds that it failed to deliver on its promises.
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Center-right coalition takes clear lead after yesterday’s snap election, with hardline nationalists in second place.
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Country’s most powerful politician of recent years says he will respect his constitutional role as a largely ceremonial head of state.
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Although the country recently switched to a parliamentary system, critics fear President Serzh Sargysan will remain its most powerful man when he leaves office.
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The increase in abstinence and the change in parties in power are the main characteristics of the 2012 elections in Serbia. The coalition gathered around the Democratic Party, the Socialist Party and the G17, which previously had a majority in 2008 elections and formed the government, won slightly fewer votes in the May elections, but this ruling coalition failed to retain power. The change of government was caused by the defeat of the DS (Democratic Party) leader Boris Tadić in the presidential elections. The victory in the presidential elections of Tomislav Nikolić, the leader of the Serbian Progressive Party opened the door to the changes in the relations of the parliamentary parties and the formation of new political alliances. SNS (Serbian Progressive Party) was the winner of the general elections: they defeated the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) by taking over their members, officials and voters; the SNS candidate became the head of state, they formed the government and they are in power in most local governments. The leader of DS, Boris Tadić was the biggest loser in the general elections: after years of dominance on the political scene, he has lost the presidency of the Republic, and the Democrats have become the opposition in Parliament. This defeat cost B. Tadić the leadership of his Democratic Party. The turning point in the formation of the government was enabled by the coalition gathered around the Socialists. Having won 80% more votes than in the previous elections, the Socialists left their “strategic partner” thus making possible the electoral shift. The transformed Radicals and Socialists, who were political partners in the 1990’s, after twelve years, are in power again.
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This paper subject is analysis the local elections in Serbia held in May 2012th. It discusses the results and consequences of the elections, the actors in the electoral process, and the campaign before local elections. Although in academic discussions most of relevant researchers believe that the local elections are “second-order” they, in some instances, can in/directly influence and shape results of the parliamentary and presidential elections. As the primary research methods author uses content analysis and analytical method to interpret the results and consequences of local elections. Author discusses a number of issues that directly or indirectly affect substance and the outcome of local elections, such as electoral legislation, electoral campaigns and its financing, contextual factors etc.
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The first part of the paper summarizes political ramification, which paved the way for respective candidates and main political issues they fought for by ideological-marketing means during (pre)electoral presidential campaign. The second part is dedicated to the analysis of ’’legal-normative controversy’’, i.e. to the fact that former president resorted to the nonexistent constitutional category called by him ’’curtailment of presidential mandate’’ in order to merge presidential with parliamentary elections, deciding at the sime time to be presidential candidate for the third time. The third part examines specificity of the electoral campaign and political marketing. The author in the fourth part statistically explores possible political positioning of Serbian voters between two electoral rounds. The municipality results of two candidates from the second electoral round at the national, regional and city level are correlated with first round municipality results from all those levels of the other more prominent candidates according to their support for these two best placed candidates after the first round. The relationship between Tadic’s votes and ’’white votes’’ as well as electoral participation were also statistically tested. The paper concludes with political consequences concerning political life in light of the situation emerged after the presidential election.
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Relatively low voter turnout, higher number of spoilt votes, URS and Preokret failure, SRS winning seats in provincial parliament despite fact they did not reach electoral threshold at national elections, three times higher number of seats under PR comparing with previous elections for coalition gathered around SPS, only one minority list – SVM – in Assembly of APV are some of the 2012 provincial elections results. However, the most important result of these elections is the consequence of the parallel electoral system main characteristic. A large number of seats won by coalition around Democratic Party under TRS have compensated their relatively poor result under PR and allowed them to win almost absolute majority of seats in the Assembly of Vojvodina and to form government with only one coalition partner.
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Primary objective of this article is to investigate effects of negative campaign on elections in Serbia during May, 2012. Content analysis is the basic analysis instrument, which provides useful mechanism for interpretation of political parties marketing, as well as speeches of its leaders, analysts and expert public. Second analytical method is comparative, exploring the consequences of negative campaigns in different political systems as well as in Serbia. On the one side, authors point out that negative campaign has lead to electoral demobilization and legitimacy crisis deepening, while on other, it has produced lasting effects on promotion of democratic values in Serbia.
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In this article Dr Pribicevic analyses the impact of Kosovo crises on Serbian EU integrations and shaping of political scene of Serbia. Dr Pribicevic pointed out how crises started in spring 2011 when idea of split of Kosovo appeared again in Serbia and then continued with the clashes between KFOR and Serbs from north of Kosovo in order to get the control of administrative crossing Jarinje and Brnjak. During the summer 2011 German chancellor Merkel visited Serbia and asked government in Belgrade to normalize its relations with Kosovo and dissolve “parallel institutions” of Serbs in the north of Kosovo. Following this visit Serbian government continue its negotiations with Pristina and find out solutions for administrative crossings. On the other side, Belgrade and Pristina didn’t find solution for the problem of presentation of Kosovo on the regional gatherings after what European council, under the German influence, decided to postpone the decision to give Serbia the status of candidate for the EU. Therefore, Serbia remains without EU candidature in December 2011 in spite of the fact that government in Belgrade handed over general Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic to Hague Tribunal as well as conducted a number of successful reforms which got very high marks from EU commission. In this article Dr Pribicevic is trying to answer several questions. Why Washington and Berlin imposed such a strong pressure on Serbia in this moment? Is split of Kosovo possible solution? Could Serbian government continue with current politics of EU and Kosovo or it should take one of these politics as a priority? How Kosovo crises influenced Serbian political scene? At the end, Kosovo crises opened the crucial question: could Serbia enter EU without “recognition of territorial integrity of Kosovo” as described by German foreign minister Westervele. Having in mind forthcoming elections in spring time 2012 author thinks that ruling Democratic Party as well as leading opposition party Sebian Progressive Party will continue with current politics “both EU and Kosovo”. Such politics will be in accordance with the public mood in Serbia which shows that support for EU integrations is declining with the growing pressure of US and Germany on Serbian Kosovo’s politics. On the other side, Serbian politics “both EU and Kosovo” is not sustainable on the long run and Serbia has to face difficult decisions in future. Also, according to the author opinion Kosovo crises showed weakness of Serbian international position. It is without important allies among key Western powers which has dominant influence in this part of Europe. Serbia has support of Russia but key influence on Kosovo has US, GB, France and Germany. These powers connected Serbia’s further progress towards EU with normalization its relations with Kosovo, knowing in advance that the time when Serbia is seeking for the EU candidature is the best time to ask Belgrade to make concessions in its Kosovo’s politics. Western powers do not expect Serbia to recognize Kosovo but they expect Serbia to accept“ territorial integrity of Kosovo”, including its north part. Why Kosovo become so important for leading Western powers? Author thinks that several reasons influenced such tough behavior of Western power towards Serbia. First, after helping them to create an independent state, US perceived Albanians as the most reliable ally in this part of Europe. Second, Germany and other big powers in Europe wants to prevent creation of new frozen conflict in Europe similar to Cyprus one, Third, all big Western powers has reserves towards Serbian foreign policy and its orientation on EU but as well as on Russia, nonalignment world, China which quite often is described in the West as sitting on the two chairs. Last but not the least, Germany as well as France is not very eager of politics of enlargement of EU in the eve of forthcoming elections in these countries scheduled for 2012 and 2013. Therefore its hesitation in this moment towards further enlargement with US pro Albanian politics creates tough dilemmas for Serbian politics in foreseeable future.
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This article thoroughly examines reports and comments Belgrade press made about American presidential elections in 1968. Sources used were most prominent and influential of the Belgrade Press: three leading daily newspapers and four weekly newspapers (one of them being only weekend edition of one of the daily newspapers and one - The Communist - being included as indubitably ideologically ‘correct’). It is shown that analyzed press was profoundly interested in all aspect of the campaign. It followed not only leading candidates as Nixon and Humphrey, but Wallace, McCarthy and Robert Kennedy as well. Belgrade press looked to foreign as well as domestic impacts of presidential elections and campaign. The sheer number of texts reveals extraordinary interest of the Belgrade public for the subject, yet profound analyses they mostly contain show even deeper reflections of American politics and the American political system in general. Considering this was a period of great unpopularity of American engagement in the Vietnam War and, furthermore, ideological and political differences between the United States and Yugoslavia, enormous interest shown is indicative for both freedom of press in socialist Yugoslavia and its genuine democratic tendencies. This raises a question of very nature of socialist regime in Yugoslavia in late sixties.
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The Act on municipal self-government provides in art. 9 p. 1 that a municipality can establish organizational units in order to perform its tasks. This provision does not specify what type of organizational units it refers to. Art. 24a p. 2 of this act provides: “The counselor cannot act as a manager of a municipal organizational unit or his deputy.” At the same time, art. 24b p. 1 provides that a person elected as a councilor cannot perform work under an employment agreement in the office of the municipality in which he obtained a mandate, as well as exercise the function of a manager or his deputy in an organizational unit of the municipality. This terminological heterogeneity raises many problems in practice. A similar problem concerns municipal economy. It especially refers to the determination of the principles and forms of the economy of local self-government units, which perform their own tasks in order to meet the collective needs of the local community. Specific regulations may determine other principles of municipal economic activities in specific areas than those specified by the Act or may indicate that the restrictions provided by the Act do not apply in a given area. This means further problems with classifying the organizational units.
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The Author describes basic issues concerning the creation and organization of the auxiliary units of a municipality in the context of their role in the management process of the city. Depending on the adopted model, auxiliary units (f. ex. Districts, neighborhoods) can fulfill the functions of animation and integration in relation to the community or participate in the performance of public duties by the municipality. The latter way of shaping the role of auxiliary units is substantially inscribed in the constitutional principle of subsidiarity, as well as pro-participatory trends in the management of urban municipalities, promoted by a number of non-governmental environments. Districts and neighborhoods established in order to enable residents to take part in solving local problems increase the efficiency and effectiveness in satisfying the social needs of the community. The Author presents legislative proposals concerning the creation of auxiliary units in Polish cities, the organization of elections to district councils and their tasks and competences. The proposals aim to create a relatively uniform model of auxiliary units, which will increase their role in the management of cities.
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The Author analyzes the provisions of the Electoral Code concerning an electoral campaign with a special emphasis on the elections to municipal councils (city councils). The analysis, extended by references to the electoral practice, shows that the Electoral Code does not fully implement the principle of electoral equality, mainly by creating worse position of local electoral committees that intend to propose candidates in only one municipality. This refers mainly to conducting the electoral campaign in public media and its financing. It should be considered that some modifications of these areas of electoral aware necessary. Another drawback of the Electoral Code is the lack of effective mechanisms to ensure transparency of the electoral campaign. It is reflected in ineffective tools, mainly limited to formal issues, to control the financial reports of electoral committees. As a result,it is difficult to conclude that the solutions of the Electoral Code, although much more complex, provide an essential qualitative change in relation to the previous legal status of local self-government elections
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Career paths of modern politicians have increasingly become diversified and drifter away from the classical hierarchical career pattern. The article addresses new theoretical concepts and empirical studies, which have been developed since the beginning of the 21st century by the multilevel government school (MLG) in relation to the careers of regional politicians and new career paths in general. As being a regional politician has become a profession, the investigation of the MLG school focuses on the political careers of such politicians, and most of all reflects the transformation of modern states as a result of regionalization and development of supranational European institutions. As a central theoretical contribution of the MLG school, Bochert’s “Conceptual Approach to Political Careers in Multilevel Systems” is discussed as the most comprehensive and advanced model of addressing the impact of the institutional setting on Carter opportunities. The final part of the article presents an overview of MLG research, which has led to a recognition of new types of political careers.
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The Constitution of the Free City of Danzig adopted on 30 June 1922 devoted the second chapter, including 19 articles (6-24), to the Volkstag (People’s Assembly), which served as a legislative power. According to art. 11 of the Constitution, the Assembly was allowed to issue its own standing orders specifically regulating its organization and the mode of operation. The Standing Orders of the Volkstag, which was passed in 1923 and officially announced in 1924, consisted of 94 paragraphs organized in 14 chapters. It regulated, among others, issues related to: participation in the deputies’ deliberations, the Bureau, political fractions, internal committees, the presentation of draft laws and their adoption, questions and interpellations, petitions or the conduct of meetings. The first amendment of the Standing Orders was made in 1925 but the changes were not significant. On 20 September 1930 a substantial revision of the Constitution was adopted, which required changes of the Volkstag Standing Orders. This was done in April 1935 after the takeover of power by the National - Socialist Party (NSDAP). The amendments to the Standing Orders had a very important character. Their main objective was to strengthen the power of the Nazi party. As a result, the legislative competences of Volkstag were greatly reduced in favor of the Senate, which was an executive power.
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Returning centrist premier Borisov may have his hands full as country looks ahead to its EU presidency.
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There are three tasks of research that had been conducted on a representative sample of two faculties (№ 255): to examine the connections between electoral behavior, or in other words the intention to vote for DS (Democratic Party) and SRS (Serbian Radical Party) and: 1) the degree of acceptance of eighteen social and personal objectives (values); 2) the expectation that the party winning elections could help or hinder implementation of these objectives; 3) the product of significance and expectations that party could achieve eventually. Products of first two groups of factors, values and expectations can explain only slightly higher degree of variance but not every factor individually (especially expectations). That cannot confirm or deny the theory of expectations – values. They compared the voters of both parties, especially in terms of expectations from the preferred and rival parties. General conclusion is that the elected party is expected to have more success in implementation of various goals than rival parties. They discussed about that whether affective attachment to the party speaks in favor of th№e party identification model.
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In his work, the author is analyzing the crisis of the western democracy in its political dimension, which had started already in 70’s of the last century, and deepened after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Not only did the demolishing of the Berlin Wall mark the success of liberalism in eradicating another political ideology – socialism from the scene, but it also marked the liberals’, be they identified as neoliberals, libertarians and similar, commencement in dismissing the democracy itself with which they had symbiotically been building national and social state. The last wave of spreading democracy is actually an apparation of its desubstantiation. From competitive elitism representing its diminution that had occurred long time ago, it primarily evolves to a procedural or minimal democracy, altering into mere media manipulation by electoral body. The key of intolerance of liberalism towards democracy is not in some new challenges that a contemporary society is already facing with, but in practical consequences of the theoretical tension between democracy and liberalism.
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