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Josip GRBELJA, Uništeni naraštaj. Tragične sudbine novinara
Review of: Aleksandra Bednjanec-Vuković - Josip GRBELJA, Uništeni naraštaj. Tragične sudbine novinara NDH, Zagreb 2000., 233 str.
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Review of: Aleksandra Bednjanec-Vuković - Josip GRBELJA, Uništeni naraštaj. Tragične sudbine novinara NDH, Zagreb 2000., 233 str.
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The author publishes eight letters of the Croatian politician and publicist Andrija Torkvat Brlić to his teacher Ivan Filipović from the period 1848-1863. They contain some important information about the history of Croatian political movement in 1848 and the basis of Brlić's understanding of the revolution in 1848 in the Danube region, the relationship towards ban Jelačić, German nationalism and Catholicism in the period of reaction in the 50-s of the XIX century. Letters from the 60-s are important for how Brlić understands Croatian politics at the time of the session of the Ban conference at the end of 1860 and for Croatian-Serbian relationships and their acceptance of the Karadžić thesis of common identity of the Serbs and the "štokavian" dialect community.
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This article deals with the issue of communist repression during 1945. The repressiveness of the totalitarian communist system became manifest in many spheres of public, cultural and political life. The primary concern of every communist regime, including the Yugoslavian, is the elimination of political opponents. For this reason, in Croatia, following the Second World War, advocates of democracy among the middle-classes and the intellectuals were targeted. The Survey Commission was the organization that was given the responsibility of “establishing the fact of criminal collaboration with the enemy in cultural matters.” In the area of Zagreb alone, which this article studies, 176 persons were pronounced criminals for “cultural collaboration with the enemy,” 54 complaints were lodged with the public prosecutor for insulting the honour of the nation, and hundreds of “questionnaires” were filled out. These types of activities on the part of the Survey Commission allowed the Yugoslav communist authorities to carry out various forms of repression (including show trials, loss of occupation, jail sentences and even execution).
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The period of activity of the Croatian Democratic Party, or as it would later be known, the Croat People’s Progressive Party, conforms with the transformation of the political scene in Dalmatia. The old National Party lost its importance, while the younger generation of politicians inaugurates the arrival of new political forces in Dalmatia. The younger generation grouped around the Croat People’s Progressive Party. This was the first political party that was active in Dalmatia as well as Civil Croatia, and to have sympathizers in Bosnia and Hercegovina. This article deals specifically with the part played by Ivo Tartaglia (1880-1949) in the Croat People’s Progressive Party.
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Review of: Hrvoje Matković - ZDENKO RADELIĆ, BOŽIDAR MAGOVAC - S RADIĆEM IZMEĐU MAČEKA I HEBRANGA, Hrvatski institut za povijest i Dom i svijet, Zagreb 1999., 261 str.
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Review of: Marino Manin - DUŠKO VEČERINA, TALIJANSKI IREDENTIZAM, Zagreb, 2001., 288 str.
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Taking as his point of departure the circumstance that before World War I the Pure Party of Rights (Starčević’s Croatian Party of Rights / Party of Rights) was the only political party in Croatia consistently representing the national-political programme in the spirit of the Pravaši, in this paper the author has attempted to give an answer to the question how much influence this party had in Srijem County during that period. This was a county that out of all the Croatian counties, primarily due to its ethnic structure, was the least open to that programme. Its ethnic structure, with the Croats making up only a quarter of the population and the Serbs being dominant in the majority of the administrative and electoral districts, greatly contributed to the strengthening of the unionist and Greater Serbian programme and caused the relatively late emergence of the “Frankovci” party and its programme in this area. For the same reasons, any stronger influence of this party remained confined to the western part of the County with a Croatian majority (administrative districts Vinkovci and Županja) and to a much lesser extent to islands with a Croatian majority within the mostly Serbian populated parts of the rest of the County. The greatest influence of the party was exerted in the territory of Vinkovci and to a lesser extent in Županja where in the above period a stronger influence had been achieved by Croatian parties that had abandoned the principles of the Party of Rights (Croatian Party of Rights) or had never even espoused these principles (the Croatian People’s Peasant Party).
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In this paper the author provides a review of the socio-economic situation in the postwar period of World War I in the context of the activities of the state authorities in combating the spread of Bolshevik ideas in the territory of Slavonia and Syrmia. Accordingly, this paper provides an overview of the documents of the State Archive in Osijek as well as of the Centre for the Research into the Workers’ and People’s Liberation Movement for Slavonia and Baranya kept in the present-day Croatian Institute for History – Department for the History of Slavonia, Syrmia and Baranya. The focal point of this paper is the activities of the “oktobarci” (participants of the October Revolution) who, in the wake of the revolutionary turmoil in Europe, tried to propagate Bolshevik ideas in this territory.
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Fukuyama’s “end of history” thesis (Fukuyama, 1989) has attracted considerable global attention and provoked passionate debate, in both academic and political circles, ever since its initial appearance in 1989. The numerous subsequent academic debates on it and the original article have proven the significance of an idea that corresponds in normative terms to the fall of the Berlin Wall in empirical analysis. Support for the theory has waned, but it is inevitable that a study of the liberal democratic order that now dominates Europe give it due consideration. That order has been challenged through this period by forms of illiberal democracy, hybrid regime, and autocracy, often supported by nationalist ideology. Some of the countries that initially set off on transition towards a liberal form of democracy have since re-routed their political and social development trajectory.
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After the global outbreak of the novel coronavirus, COVID-19, and the subsequent declaration of a global pandemic by the World Health Organization, states and administrative units at the below-state level, have reacted differently to this public health threat. Various forms of restriction have been introduced on a global scale to protect public health, along with economic measures and other measures aimed at pandemic prevention. Depending on their internal organization and the rate at which the pandemic was spreading, government measures have been subject to change or repeal, a practice that is continuing to the present.
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Today Europe and the world at large are facing an entirely new challenge. There can be no doubt about the need to “analyse” the unexpected appearance of a virus so little was known about beforehand. The circumstances and ramifications in the north of Italy and the secrecy of the Chinese authorities over the number of the infected and dead have reminded the governments of liberal democracies that they cannot leave matters to fate. The facts at their disposal scared many serious European politicians, who resorted to radical measures in the absence of information. The need for these measures is already questionable today. But better safe than sorry, especially when dealing with an unknown disease.
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The paper deals with the Asia-Pacific region, which is, with its geopolitical and geostrategic characteristics, one of the most important areas of the modern world, and the dynamics and character of processes that take place in it have huge implications on international politics. The underlying hypothesis of this work is that powerful potentials of the Asia Pacific open up the possibility that it will becomes a true leader of the overall progress in the world, but the conflicts that exist in that area, of which the most destructive territorial disputes are, also have the potential for global scale confrontation. The geostrategic significance, transport corridors, huge reserves of oil and gas, the highest concentration of human resources, as well as high technological achievements make the Asia Pacific region one of the most powerful drivers of the development and progress of the modern world. Such a unique position of the Asian Pacific contributes to a strong concentration of the interests of international politics in the region. Of course, the Asia Pacific is a place where the most important geopolitical and geo-strategic interests of the most important actors of contemporary international politics are in conflict. These circumstances make the region one of the most vulnerable areas of the modern world in the security sense. Primary causes of the conflict are economic as well as geostrategic characteristics of the area. On the top of the numerous and complex Asian issues, are conflicts between China and the US, which primarily determine the character of relations in the region.
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The paper analyzes different Procrustes models that affect democracy in BiH and RS. The phrase “Procrustes Model” implies molding into a given pattern, regardless of the fact that it may mean unfreedom and chains for democracy. The hypothesis is that democracy in terms of Aristotle is a negative form of ruling and it is necessary to view its weaknesses and distortions. The paper deals in particular with Procrustes patterns such as the elimination of criticism, i.e. intellectuals from the politics area, partocracy, democracy as an elevated stick, credit balloon, IMF loans and other rigid forms of democracy molding. The arrogance of leaders of the new world order, disrespect for international norms, advocating “knowledgeable society”, different ideas of democracy from the three nations in BiH, their different views of Europe and other misconceptions are also a Procrustes’s pattern which enchains the people in BiH and RS. All in all, the paper offers a series of insights into the weaknesses of democracy in BiH and illuminates disillusions which we have lived with for years.
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Rad je posvećen analizi raznih prokrustovskih modela koje trpi demokratija u BiH i RS. Sintagma „Prokrustov model“ podrazumijeva kalupljenje u zadati obrazac, bez obzira što to može biti nesloboda i što to mogu biti okovi za demokratiju. Polazi se od toga da je demokratija po Aristotelu negativna forma vladavine i da u BiH i RS treba sagledati njene slabosti i njena izobličenja. Ovdje su posebno anali zirani prokrustovski obrasci kao što je eliminacija kritike, odnosno intelektualaca iz politike, partokratija, demokratija kao uzdignuti štap, kreditni balon, zadu že nja kod MMF-a i drugi rigidni obrasci kalupljenja u demokratiju. Arogancija lidera novog svjetskog poretka, nepoštivanje međunarodnih normi, zagovaranje „društva znanja“, različita viđenja demokratije od strane tri naroda u BiH, njihova različita viđenja Evrope i druge zablude takođe su prokrustovski obrazac koji okiva ljude u BiH i RS. Sve u svemu, ovaj rad nudi niz uvida u slabosti demokratije u BiH, osvjetljava zablude s kojima već godinama, a i danas permanentno živimo.
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Modern democracy is impossible without political parties. They are necessary in the process of the construction of the political class and building of relations between politicians and ‘ordinary people’. So, in Poland in the twentieth and the twenty-first centuries the significance of parties is also very important. Their history is older than the history of the reborn Poland. Especially in Galicia, an autonomous province of the Hapsburg empire, we can see the activities of many politicians. A part of them in 1895 declared the birth of the Popular Party which is a constant element of the Polish political scene. The second traditional current is the socialistic movement, which is also always legally active in Poland. These two camps represent, in simplification, the ‘two Polands’—the first more traditional, conservative and provincial, and the second more progressive, ‘European’ and urban. Actually, in the typical consciousness of a Polish citizen, the political representation of the ‘black’ country is the party Law and Justice of Jarosław Kaczyński, and the ‘red’ country admires the Citizen Platform with Donald Tusk as a leader. But probably the idea of a twoparty system, like in the Anglo-Saxon world, is still very distant to reality, because in the European continent, the tradition of pluralism in a policentric version is still very significant.
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This article looks at the structural and institutional changes that occur within the Security Services of Ukraine (SBU) between the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan. Why did a security service that was hailed as a protector of democracy when it stood against the national police, under the command of the Interior Ministry (MVS) who were attempting to quash the Orange Revolution protests in 2004 become a leading suspect in the anti-democratic shootings that occurred in the Euromaidan protests in 2014? One potential explanation is the pervasive patronage political shifts that result in personnel changes atop the hierarchy of the SBU. Another is that the bifurcated political structure (presidential powers vs. those of the legislature) of Ukraine shifted creating a realignment of political loyalties. A third potential explanation is institutional change that altered the entire Ukrainian political system between 2004 and 2014. This article uses archival data, content analysis of media publications, and semistructured interviews with experts in the field of Ukrainian security to examine the changes occurring within the SBU that lead to a violent reaction towards protesters in 2014.
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On the crossroads between preserving a nationalist rhetoric and adding ways in which it can offer an alternative to mainstream politics, the Slovak Radical Right has transformed itself from having an unsteady presence in parliament over the last two decades to having two nationalist parties with a significant portion of seats. This article examines the radical right parties’ (RRPs’) gender rhetoric and parliamentary activity, and in comparison to other parties evaluates the substantive representation of women within these parties. The study covers the period from 2006 to 2016 and shows that while women are still significantly outnumbered in RRPs, they are more active on women’s issues than any of their counterparts. Moreover, their activity can be characterized as “positive representation,” as opposed to the usually assumed “negative representation” of women by RRPs.
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The integration process is increasingly politicized across the member states of the European Union (EU). While this phenomenon has been analyzed from many perspectives, this article aims to look at a so far neglected aspect—how increased levels of politicization of the EU might have impacted on the role small states play in the EU decision-making process. Using the case of Brexit negotiations, the article starts from the hypothesis that higher levels of politicization could increase the influencing capacity of smaller states. As national sovereignty concerns may become more relevant due to politicization, it can be expected that small states become more active in EU-level negotiations, especially in cases where the future of the integration is also at stake. However, looking at the cases of Czechia, Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia, the article concludes that the behavior of these countries is still determined by their small-state character. Interestingly, different levels of EU politicization did not determine their bargaining strategies in Brexit negotiations. Consequently, while we see a slight variation in the level of engagement, the article argues that the influencing capacity of the member states under scrutiny was mainly driven by their small state characteristics.
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The Council of the EU is the primary institution through which ministers of member states can express their positions on Commission proposals and vote upon legislation. This article first examines the extent to which ministers actually attend Council meetings before moving toward investigating the determinants of ministerial participation in over a period covering almost thirteen years between May 2004 and December 2016. It aims to identify determinants of why ministers from the Visegrad countries participate at some meetings and are absent from others. Using an original data set containing information about 940 Council meetings as well as several country-specific characteristics, we show that, on average, at about four out of every six meetings, ministers are absent. The results of our regressions indicate a pattern in which holding the office of the EU’s rotating presidency, the number of b-points on the agenda, and the size of the government increase the likelihood of ministerial participation in meetings. In contrast, high levels of popular support for Eurosceptic parties and holding of national legislative elections decrease the probability of ministerial attendance. Moreover, meetings of Council formations related to policy areas with a low level of EU competence are significantly less likely to be attended by ministers.
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Massive protest waves, mainly led by younger citizens, appeared during the past years in Romania. Gubernat and Rammelt provide an analysis of the production of meaning by the “Romanian street” as a collective actor. They argue that “Vrem o ţară ca afară! (We want a country like abroad!)” became the leitmotif for important parts of the Romanian protests of the past eight years. For so doing, Gubernat and Rammelt analyze the discursive underpinnings and the constructed frames in recent protests in Romania. Their demonstration synthesizes a social phenomenon that appeared during the Roșia Montană protests of 2013, continued with the Colectiv protests of 2015 and was reconfirmed during the 2017–2018 anti-corruption protests: the dichotomy between the discursive appropriation of the West, as a benchmark of progress and social modernization and the “self-racism” manifested in these movements. The use of Frame Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis for the study of these waves of protests enables them to show how the Western hegemonic discourse on state-building provides the cultural conditions for social action as well as it enables mobilizing agents to frame national discontent. “‘Vrem o ţară ca afară!’ Redefining state-building through a pro-European discourse in Romania” concludes that recent protests in Romania reproduce Western ideals of modern state and politics through a value-based discourse around the idea of belonging to Europe.
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