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As an interdisciplinary field of scholarship, transitional justice is still in its pre-theoretical stage, focusing mainly on the case and comparative studies, supported by general considerations concerning justice in the times of transition. To entrench the field as a distinct area of studies, a theory of transitional justice needs to be formulated. The article explores the possibility of making a step towards such a theoretical basis with the use of the tools of analytical philosophy, methodology and legal theory. First, drawing on Leszek Nowak’s procedure of idealisation, three basic models of responses to a painful past are formulated. Then, distinct transitional justice values are attributed to each of the models. Finally, with the use of Jerzy Kmita’s concept of humanistic interpretation, the article seeks to conceptualize the way in which these values – among other factors, such as the need to uphold the rule of law or to preserve the stability of a democratic system – influence the choice of a model of transitional justice response. Thus, the aim of the presented models – which I described in more detail elsewhere (Krotoszyński 2017) – is to provide a sound theoretical basis for some of the fundamental claims formulated in the field of transitional justice.
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The US faces many dilemmas in facing an XXI century China. The recent crisis that has occurred in the South China Sea and issues related to the trade war between the two global powers have significantly divided the positions of both states in world affairs. The US policy of engagement and coercion, forcing China into the US liberal order has shown slow progress. Therefore, it is critical to re-evaluate the US foreign policy strategy in facing an XXI century China, which shows discontent towards the values that are promoted by the US. This paper critically analyzes the US foreign policy approach to China, provides key elements of its success, and concludes the major issues faced throughout the process of interacting with the modern global superpower known as China.
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During the Cold War Turkey had excellent relations with the United States of America. Both countries needed each other and saw the Soviet Union as their main rival. Strategic Partnership was established between the two nations and USA provided military assistance to Turkey in order to contain the Soviet Union. With the assistance of the USA, Turkey managed to neutralize Soviet threat and integrate into NATO. Turkey became a close ally of the West. After the Cold War, American - Turkish relations have gradually cooled and deteriorated significantly over the last years. The aim of this article is to analyze those factors that have caused the deterioration of American – Turkish relations.
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The diplomacy of Japan towards its Asian neighbours has always been a complex issue. Throughout the years, the foreign policy of Japan has witnessed severe alterations specifically after the Second World War. Since then, new challenges and opportunities have risen which have formed a new, adapted Japanese diplomacy, albeit not disconnected from its traditional aspects and its past. The current purpose of the paper is to highlight these evolutions and challenges of the post WWII Japanese diplomacy. The focus will be on the two main neighbours and traditional partners of Japan, the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Korea. There will be an effort to highlight the challenges that Japan experiences with the aforementioned countries, its diplomatic approaches and how these could be evolved in the near future.
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The expectations of the Western Balkans (WB) on the EU membership perspective could have been ‘undermined’ with the halt in the EU enlargement process as declared by the former European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker in 2014. In the meantime, even though the WB countries were part of the EU’s regional approach through the mechanism of Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) working on the implementation of the Acquis Communautaire, the slowing down of the integration process could have economic and political consequences and threaten the regional stability. This paper shows how the Berlin Process (2014) was the proper intergovernmental initiative taken by some EU Member States to keep alive the EU integration perspective of the WB, thus refocusing the EU attention on the challenges the WB was facing on the way towards EU integration.
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This article describes the competition between China and the USA for global hegemony. Both states have hegemonic ambitions and compete with each other over the domination of Asia. The rise of China has transformed global politics, as well as the balance of the global economy. As China’s economic and military power increases steadily, its geopolitical ambitions are also constantly growing. Some experts do not exclude the possibility of conflict between China and the USA in the future. There are many potential hot spots in East Asia where conflict could erupt at any time in the future between the USA and China. Many experts doubt whether the USA and China can escape Thucydides’ Trap in the future.
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The paper relates to main problems regarding the conducting of presidential election in Poland during the COVID-19 lockdown. The presidential elections in Poland were originally scheduled for May 2020, that is at the time when COVID-19 restrictions were in force.The ruling party in Poland – Law and Justice – decided to hold the elections in the form of universal postal vote. Unfortunately, due to many complications, the elections were finally postponed. In this paper the authors, firstly, describe the legal context of the election, and secondly, introduce a taxonomy of problems involved in the organization of the election.
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La batalla de Lepanto ocupa un lugar de excelencia en la Historia y enLiteratura de España, un capítulo que ha servido para crear una conciencia común degloria del pasado. Más allá de Cervantes, muchos han sido los autores, contemporáneosal complutense y posteriores, que han contribuido a magnificar la mayor empresa bélicadel siglo XVII y, con ello el carácter heroico de los españoles que en ella batallaron. Noobstante, hay textos en los que, contrariamente, este aspecto memorable se vioempañado por el surgimiento de obras que ofrecen una visión muy distante de laasumida como oficial. Este es el caso de La Austríada, un texto de carácter cronístico enque se ofrece un retrato de los ejércitos españoles en el escenario lepantino formado porsoldados no profesionales, entre los que la delincuencia y la piratería eran las actitudesmás frecuentes.
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La batalla de Lepanto ha sido estudiada y discutida principalmente por losacadémicos en relación con las monarquías directamente relacionadas con el MarMediterráneo. Las regiones alejadas suelen estar lejos de su interés en respecto al tema.Mientras tanto, la visión del mundo de Felipe II de Habsburgo sobre la cuestión turcaera mucho más amplia, por no decir que estaba fuera de todo límite. Uno de los efectosde la victoria de Lepanto fue su participación en actividades diplomáticas dentro de laRepública Polaco-Lituana. Especialmente desde el año 1572, cuando el trono del estadopolaco-lituano se convirtió en electoral, la oportunidad fue de gran importancia. Larivalidad entre la Monarquía Hispánica, Francia, pero también el Imperio Otomano y elPapado se trasladó a un nuevo teatro geopolítico en Oriente. La autopercepción deFelipe II después de Lepanto y su política anti turca no llegó a la nobleza del estadopolaco-lituano. El monarca español no sabía o no entendía la situación geopolítica delestado polaco-lituano. Como resultado, el Habsburgo español sufrió una amarga derrota,pero siguió manteniendo su presencia en este nuevo espacio geopolítico.
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This study examines the effects of the proliferation of SALWs on the security of the Nigerian state. Although this issue has seldom been tackled in regular or academic literature, it reflects the author’s keen awareness that, in an era of globalization, migrants have been identified as important agents in the proliferation of SALWs into third-world countries. The paper seeks to provide an insight into the socio-economic and political variables operating in the source and destination of such movements, with particular emphasis on migrants and arms proliferation. The study uses the qualitative approach for data analysis, it relies on upon, data gathered through secondary sources, and is reinforced with the argument on the liberal theoretical framework of analysis. The paper concludes that, while weapons play a significant role in intensifying conflict that exerts enormous human and economic costs, the causes of such conflicts lie in political, economic, ethnic, and religious differences and disparities. Finally, the paper looks at the appropriateness of examining the full implications of SALWs as a border management theme and the role of complementary measures for facilitating border control.
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This paper examined whether the revised enlargement methodology represented another step in the direction of gradual EU membership of the Western Balkans. The research problem was based on considerations that the EU enlargement domain has for years been characterized by political stagnation. The research aimed to show that a differentiated accession approach might have been beneficial for Serbia, as a front-runner membership candidate. In terms of methods, the author analyzes the concepts and the applicability of the ‘three-tiered accession’ and ‘staged accession’, having in mind the recently altered enlargement methodology. The author argues that the gradual integration would have been beneficial for two reasons: 1) validating the candidates’ already achieved progress, offering tangible incentives, and potentially preventing the democratic backsliding; 2) taking the pre-scheduled accession dates off the table. Considering that the EU is unlikely to expand further, the author concludes that the gradual membership concept might apply solely to the WB, while also reassuring the Member States regarding the primacy of individual merits and excluding the speedy accessions proposals.
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The Macedonian election rules, i.e. the setting of the electoral system, produce a double effect, an effect on the voter, and an effect on the party system. Therefore, each change in the electoral regulations would not only alter the voters’ comportment but also impact the political parties. Considering these effects, the paper aimed to compare the attitudes of the citizens and political parties regarding the electoral legislature (both for the parliamentary and local elections); and produce adequate electoral solutions as a corrective for the detected shortcomings of the current regulations. The paper relied on content analysis of theoretical literature and research, empirical qualitative research based on citizens’ focus groups from each region in Macedonia, questioned political parties, and additional data analysis. The ultimate findings propose a way to promote the equal value of each vote, proportional regional representation, and MPs' accountability at the parliamentary elections. For the local elections, the proposed solution referred to reducing the election cost, the possibility of political bargaining, and preserving the legitimacy of elected mayors.
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Albania’s national interest is the integration into the European Union. To fulfill this objective, every state component, public institutions, civil society, the media, and the citizens, play a very important role. The main focus of this paper is the public sphere, the attitudes of Albanian citizens toward the EU membership, and their role in the process. By applying qualitative and quantitative methods, the main theories of the field, global and regional indexes, studies, surveys, interviews, and personal observations, we aim to focus on the citizens' attitudes toward the EU membership process. Our in-depth analyses have shown that the Albanian institutions, CSOs, and media to inform and include the citizens in the Europeanization process have not been effective enough. Thus, there is a knowledge gap between sensitive groups and the other part of society.
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Despite being urged and called upon by the United States to develop an Indo-Pacific strategy since 2017, South Korea showed signs of reluctance until the end of 2020, only officially announcing its strategy in 2022. This article aimed to clarify the reasons for South Korea’s ambiguity from 2017 to 2020 and the factors behind its transformation in the subsequent period. Utilizing the comparative analysis method and autonomous strategic theory, the article argued that South Korea shifted from a “strategic ambiguity” to a “strategic autonomy” to reduce dependence on China and the United States, asserting its position as a middle power. The results showed that before 2020, challenges from North Korea and economic relations with China made South Korea cautious about participating in the Indo-Pacific strategy. However, staying on the sidelines risked isolating it within the US alliance network. Meanwhile, concessions created opportunities for China to extend its influence over South Korea, even in cultural and social domains. Based on this, the article concluded that South Korea’s shift in approach to the Indo-Pacific region was necessary to affirm its middle power status.
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Artificial Intelligence (AI) has enormously impacted everyday life’s economic, social, and political spheres. This impact is even more significant in today’s globalized world. Artificial Intelligence and new technologies influenced the geopolitical domain, shifting and influencing the balance of power. The power that excelled in governing, educating, and reproducing novelties in AI claimed the title. However, instead of aspiring to be the best, the great powers balanced out their antagonism and joined forces. They cooperated in the domain of new technologies and AI, aiming for the benefit of humanity. AI had to be adequately harvested to produce peace, prosperity, and stability, acting as a bridge in an interconnected, globalized world. The purpose of the research was to discuss and analyze, through qualitative research analysis, the present and future influences, effects, and policies of Artificial Intelligence and new technologies in the geopolitical domain and their impact on humanity.
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This paper examines how China’s presence in the East African seaports has created a threat to the Indian Ocean’s security. In particular, the research empirically analyses whether China’s growing activities in the Western Indian Ocean along the East African coast have dismantled the security architecture of the Indo-Pacific. This paper aims to understand the responses of India and her allies in containing China’s rise in the region. The paper has taken three East African ports, Dar es Salaam, Lamu, and Doraleh port of Djibouti, as a case study to examine how Chinese presence in these three ports could dismantle the security architecture of Indo-Pacific in the Western Indian Ocean region. The paper demonstrates that the present competition of power projection in the Indian Ocean is a power maximization strategy for the national security of each state. Using primary and secondary data available on China, India, and other states’ policies and activities, the study finds that it is a policy failure of the Indo-Pacific, accelerating China’s rise in the region. However, the Indo-Pacific partners are revamping their policies to check China’s rise in the Indian Ocean region.
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Public administration is a complex social phenomenon which has its own sociological, political, legal, organizational and other features. Accordingly, the “angle” of its observation can be quite different. Public administration is therefore studied in numerous higher education institutions, both in the field of political science, sociology, law and others. Woodrow Wilson, former US president and the Nobel Prize winner, is considered the founder of the scientific approach to administration. In his scientific work from 1887, entitled “The Study of Administration”, Wilson pointed out three “dichotomies” related to public administration: (1) between politics and administration; (2) between political and administrative sciences, and (3) between politicians and civil servants. Wilson thus raised a whole series of issues that are still the subject of polemics and discussions, and his scientific thought has become a permanent legacy and the subject of study by numerous authors in both theoretical and practical analysis of public administration, which still has an impact on its changes and development.
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By using a combination of quantitative and qualitative research approaches, students' attitudes, emotions, and experiences of war as a socio-political phenomenon, as well as their motivations for participating in war, are revealed. Google Forms were used to collect the empirical information. Fifty-seven students responded to the questionnaire, 81% of the students to whom the form was sent. The students are from Nikola Vaptsarov Naval Academy, from "Transport, Aviation and Shipping" and "National Security" professional specialties. The results show that students have a decidedly negative attitude towards war and reject war as a means of solving problems. For them, war is nonsense, meaningless, and unnecessary in the practice of humanity. The main problems caused by the war in social and personal terms are connected, on the one hand, to the loss of human, spiritual, economic, and natural resources, and on the other hand, to the suffering of the people from the victims, the destruction, to the experienced fear and horror of what is happening. Students would only go to war when they are forced to defend home, family, and self, but rather not in case our country is under attack. The emotions caused by the war in the students are entirely in the field of depressive symptoms, which is a signal that the war makes life meaningless, "takes away" its essence, meaning - to live in prosperity, makes life miserable, full of suffering. After all, "war" is perceived exclusively in its classical dimensions and the immediate image of it and its experience is related to the physical use of weapons, fighting, sacrifice, genocide, destruction, death, and suffering.
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