![НАУКА: ЛАТИНСКАЯ АМЕРИКА ХХ ВЕКА: СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ АНТРОПОЛОГИЯ БЕДНОСТИ](/api/image/getissuecoverimage?id=picture_2010_60723.jpg)
НАУКА: ЛАТИНСКАЯ АМЕРИКА ХХ ВЕКА: СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ АНТРОПОЛОГИЯ БЕДНОСТИ
Review of: Миляуша Закирова - Латинская Америка ХХ века: социальная антропология бедности / Отв. ред. Б.И. Коваль. М.: Наука, 2006. 287 с. ISBN 978-5-0203-5134-9
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Review of: Миляуша Закирова - Латинская Америка ХХ века: социальная антропология бедности / Отв. ред. Б.И. Коваль. М.: Наука, 2006. 287 с. ISBN 978-5-0203-5134-9
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This article reconstructs the historical views of the leaders of the Soviet state, V. I. Lenin and I. V. Stalin, as an important component of their ideological projects. The comparison of their views on history is an indicator of differences between the Leninist and Stalinist versions of Soviet ideology. The authors conclude that the continuity of views on the history of Lenin and Stalin is maintained within the framework of the general methodological platform of Marxism (formation theory, class struggle theory, adherence to the macrosocial approach to history). Stalin developed a number of Leninist provisions regarding the understanding of history and, above all, related to the combination of Marxism with the theory of imperialism. At the same time, certain differences are found in content used — mainly the history of European revolutions by Lenin and the history of Russian state-building by Stalin. Lenin placed more emphasis on universal laws of history, while Stalin recognized the originality of the Russian historical process. There were certain differences in emphases on their interpretations of national relations and foreign policy in Russian history. Such differences in views of history were correlated with differences between the tasks Lenin and Stalin faced at different stages of the Soviet project.
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According to the parliamentary system in the 1982 Constitution, government was formed from within the parliament. Presidents were elected for a seven-year term and were given both legislative and executive powers to a certain extent. Political science literature widely accepts that presidents are given symbolic roles in the parliamentary systems. Contrary to these expectations, Sezer era (2000-2007) marks the most confrontational period of legislative and executive relations in Turkish history, as the right to veto the bills was used at an unprecedented level. There is an existing competition between principal-agent theories and the political opportunity framework theory in defining the type of government systems. While the former evaluates the political system according to the chain of delegation, the latter focuses on the relationship between relevant actors and the context in which these interactions occur. The central motive behind analysing the Sezer era is as follows. The Sezer era is unique in the sense that the president had to work with two totally different assemblies in terms of political parties and individual members. This gives us a platform for natural experiment to evaluate whether Sezer’s political behaviour solely satisfies expectations from the parliamentary set-up or they are shaped by the existing political opportunity structure nested in the political system. To answer these questions, we investigated presidential vetoes on parliaments’ bills. Our findings contradict with the expectations of the theories based on the principal-agent framework. We argue that Sezer’s behaviour is motivated by his political views as well as the constitutional constraints. This study would shed the light on how to categorize Turkey’s government type between 1982 and 2017.
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The article presents the issue of the free movement of persons in the European Union in the field of same-sex marriage rights, taking into account comparative elements. The research presents provisions of the European Union, as well as internal regulations in force in France, Ireland and Poland. The article discusses the approach to the analysed issue at the level of EU regulations and internal regulations of the examined Member States. Moreover, the interaction between EU and national regulations is an important research point. Besides the article shows case variants concerning the recognition of same-sex relationships due to the legal and ideological conditions in the analysed countries Also, the article analyses the impact and importance of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Court of Human Rights for the studied topic. In addition, the study takes into consideration the impact of constitutional provisions on the legalization of homosexual couples in the analysed countries. The article is divided into parts covering the following issues: free movement of persons in the European Union, the right to family reunification of European Union citizens, relations between European Union law and the internal law of the Member States, recognition of same-sex marriages in France, Ireland and Poland, and summary. The opinions of A. Tryfonidou, H. Verschueren, P. Tulea and M. Bell were included in the study due to their importance to the research are.
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Children’s magazine that is agemate with the Turkish press is important not only for the history of childhood but also the social history. Even though they play a role in the modernization project, state-building, children's literature, or education, children's magazines do not draw attention enough by the academic researchers. The aim of this study is to examine the history of children’s magazines published through 150 years, and to reveal changing the image of children via this magazines. Revealing the ideologies and values transferred over children’s magazines gives information regarding what kind of child image wanted to be created/built in this process. For this purpose, this study cronologically evaluates the history of transformation of children’s magazines in time and present a panaromic view from 19th century to 21st century. The study examine the children’s magazines in the historical process in paralell with political, economic and socio-culturel changes that Turkey underwent. Starting from the Ottoman era, the study evaluate the children’s magazines regarding the determined periods as ‘early-single party periods’, ‘after 1950’s multi party system’ and ‘after 1980’s’ with a complementary point of view. Literature survey is used for the study. The study, following the values and ideologies transferred by the magazines, reveals that the image of child transformed from ideal-citizen child to consumer child.
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Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in the Soviet Union In 1985. For the first time, he stated that the socialist system was blocked and stayed behind the time. He acknowledged that many problems, especially economic and social, was started. It was the first time that these problems were opened to discussion democratically. In these discussions, the topics of “reform program”, “central planning” and “reform in the socialist system” have gained weight. He wanted to apply Perestroika (restructuring) and Glasnost (openness) policies to solve the problems. However, the economic and social problems increased a little more and the necessary solution could not be found. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 prepared the ground for the collapse of the socialist system. From 1990 onwards, discourses of independence started in the republics that formed the USSR. At the end of 1991, the USSR was formally dissolved. Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia followed the USSR. As a result, the socialist system known as the Eastern Bloc disintegrated before the year 2000. Thus, these countries that tend to market economies are called “Transition Economies”.
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Even though they occurred around the same time, the Polish January Uprising of 1863/64 and the American Civil War (1861–5) have seldom been considered in the same context by historians, while comparative historical studies of the events are scarce. The present article explores the historiography relating to both countries to, firstly, outline the most interesting attempts in existing Polish and US- American research to find shared aspects in the two events. Secondly, my study establishes and analyses phenomena and themes in these parallel histories that could prove most fruitful for comparative investigation. In conclusion, I assess the potential that comparative approaches could generate for the historiography of the American Civil War and the January Uprising.
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Research background: The current changes in the global stock markets are related to the next wave of the industrial revolution “Industry 4.0”. It is expected that the Industry 4.0 will lead to an acceleration of the innovation process and growth of volumes of tailor-made products. The stock markets started to react to the upcoming technological changes over the last decade, which are reflected by the changes in the composition of the major stock indices where the technological sector started to grow in importance. But innovations are not only connected with the specialized technological sector, but they are also of direct concern to the whole spectrum of economic entities. Besides the private investments that are usually allocated via the stock market, also the public sector investments play an important role. Purpose of the article: The aim of this paper is to investigate the relationship between government expenditures on research and development (R&D) and stock markets (and GDP) in the US and in Germany. Methods: We use the tools of descriptive analysis as well as correlation and regression methods of estimation. Findings & Value added: Our research confirms that the collection of data on R&D on annual basis for Germany and the US is insufficient for analytical and systemic management purposes. The real effects of investments in the R&D are time lagged. The regression analysis of annual data confirms only the statistical importance of patent applications as well as interest rate and stock index as independent variables in explanation of variability of real economy growth during the 1985–2017 period. Our model did not prove the significance of government expenditures. We can explain it, among others, by the fact that governments do not pay sufficient attention to the challenges yet, which are associated with the Industry 4.0, especially in the US, where the government expenditures in R&D gradually decrease. The governments in both economies try to increase their support, but fiscal sustainability is a limiting factor.
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This article sets itself two tasks. First, it attempts to offer an insight into Rozważania o wojnie domowej (Reflections on the Civil War), the last book by Paweł Jasienica, an essayist and acclaimed history writer known mainly for his books on the history of Poland. Second, it also investigates the reception of the work it interprets. In executing the first task, the author focuses mainly on extracting the critique of the communist ideology which Jasienica included, in some veiled way, in his account of the main topic to which his last book is devoted – the Vendée rebellion of 1793. Throughout the text, the reader is made to believe that the leading revolutionaries whom Jasienica considered responsible for the atrocities committed in the course of suppressing the Vendée rebellion were guided by the idea of historical necessity. However, the concept of historical necessity, argues the author, should be viewed as pertaining to the ideology not of the French revolutionaries but of the communists in Poland. While the concept played no part in the former’s efforts to justify the overthrow of the old regime, it was used by the latter to legitimise their rule in Poland. By associating the concept of historical necessity with the Vendée massacres, Jasienica sought to “discredit” the communist ideology on which the political system in Poland was based. In other words, he used his account of one of the episodes of the French revolution to criticise the PRL’s political system, arguing, one should add, in favour of replacing it with liberal democracy.
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In this paper, we will analyse the attitudes of the oldest political party in Serbia (the Socialist Party of Serbia – SPS) towards the European Union from the party’s establishment to the present day. We have chosen this party for two important theoretical and methodological reasons. First, it is the only party in Serbia to inherit the continuity of socialist heritage, i.e. the only one to retain the socialist nomenclature when, at least nominally, party pluralism, an electoral regime and the transformation to capitalism began. The second reason is that the SPS is the largest left-wing party in Serbia, and one of the largest parties in Serbia in general. In this paper, we will apply a narrative analysis of the party’s most important legal documents. The focus of our analysis will be on documents from 2010 and 2014, but to be able to follow the historical development of the attitudes of the SPS towards the EU, we have also included a document from 1990 in the analysis.
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This paper aims at analysing attitudes towards globalization processes and the European Union among five German political groups commonly categorized as extreme or radical right. It tries to answer research questions focusing on the role of anti-globalist and anti-European attitudes in the wider radical right ideology. The presented research follows Michael Freeden’s morphological approach to studying ideologies, with an attempt at finding the precise location of anti-globalist attitudes in the ideological structure of the political thought of the radical right. The author concludes that neither an anti-globalism nor an anti-European stance belong to the core of this ideology, but they rather play a secondary role.
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On August 9th 2021, Alyaksandr Lukashenka held a press conference to discuss the events of the previous year. It was attended by both local and foreign journalists. The de facto leader of Belarus fielded questions in his own style and according to his own perceptions – or stated perceptions – of the world. He expressed his views on the so-called All-Belarusian People’s Assembly, on the change of president in the United States and in general about the West’s vendetta against his rule, as well as the attacks on his security forces by protesters.
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The article analyzes the French redistricting process (redécoupage) since 1789, tracing both the evolution of relevant legal norms through the transformations in the political regime and the electoral system, and the actual political practice – what were the driving forces behind consecutive redistrictings, how the districting rules and district boundaries themselves were manipulated for partisan and individual political gain, and how did the resultant district maps measure against standards such as electoral equality and political neutrality. The article concludes that while the French redistricting process remains highly politicized when compared with other European countries, the 2008 constitutional reforms and the changes resulting from them were substantial steps towards greater transparency. Moreover, there is no persuasive evidence that recent redécoupages were systematically manipulated for political purposes by the governing parties.
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This article examines political and economic analysis of Ottoman states and United States of America, two states that existed at different times, both governed by the state system. The study uses the proxy variables of states budget system, states tax system, central tax system, states monetary system and central government monetary system. This examination spans over the period of 16th, 17th, and 18th century for Ottoman Empire. The study uses the qualitative analyses that based on literature economics to estimate required results and find that there is similarities and differences in financial and political systems between the Ottoman Empire and United states of America, although it exists into different periods. The Research will contribute to the policy makers to creates strong fiscal and political system in connection between the Ottoman Empire and United states of America. As a result, we will reveal Ottoman empire, which spread three continents in the past centuries, whether was a source of inspiration for America as politically and economically, which is a superpower today.
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The issue of managing the late-Westphalian international environment, especially in the phase of a deep and accelerated qualitative transformation, is among one of the most intensely analyzed by the scientific community. Many models are considered by different scholars, ranging from imperial models to multi-level management models. One of the forms of managing international relations and a tool of power projection can be the form called a hyperpower. It is a unique subjective structure including a core in the form of a superpower and a network of connections and decision-making chains – formal as well as informal – functioning in the transnational social space. This system is situated as an intermediate form between empire and hegemony. It is distinguished from the former by flexibility and softness, from the latter – by international legitimacy that goes beyond the mere recognition of effectiveness in managing global affairs. Its functioning can be traced on the example of three most important functions: sanction, indoctrination, and legitimization.
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Eric Wolf: Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century
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Pandemija izazvana koronavirusom ostavila je nesagledive posljedice po zdravstveni sustav i gospodarstvo diljem svijeta. Zemlje su se na različite načine suočile s novim I dotad nepoznatim izazovima. Neke zemlje su više a neke manje uspješno implementirale mjere s ciljem zaštite pučanstva i gospodarstva u cjelini. U ovom članku prezentirane su posljedice pandemije te mjere koje su implementirane diljem svijeta. Predstavljena su i iskustva i učinci provedenih mjera u Federaciji BiH i nižih razina, s posebnim naglaskom na mjere potpore malim i srednjim poduzećima. Moguće je zaključiti da zbog ograničenih financijskih mogućnosti te podjele nadležnosti nije bilo moguće implementirati sve potrebite mjere; pojedine mjere podrške poduzetnicima pokazale su se uspješnima, no bilo je i mjera koje nisu bile pravodobne i nisu obuhvatile sve subjekte kojima je pomoć bila potrebna. Iz dosadašnjih iskustava vidljivo je da vlasti moraju usmjeriti značajnija sredstva za potporu gospodarstvu te je prijeko potrebnu višu razinu koordinacije i suradnje među različitim razinama vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini.
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The article seeks to analyse clientelistic practices in Croatia and to determine the elements of (dis)continuity between these practices and the related practices in socialism. We define clientelism as the conditional exchange of political support, influence, and goods within a network, aimed at the achievement of political hegemony and selective distribution of material benefits. Clientelistic networks are reproduced through rent-extracting instruments, which bring larger benefits to their core, and through political legitimation instruments, which distribute smaller benefits to wider segments of the electorate that support hegemonic power. The first group consists of personnel policy and management of material resources in the public sector and instrumentalization of public institutions, whereas the second group comprises social policy and ideology. State capture in Croatia has some roots in socialism. This applies to the personnel policy in the public sector, instrumentalization of public institutions and ideological legitimation of the system. But the markets and private property were then limited in scope, and social policy aided by an egalitarian ideology distributed some benefits of economic development. The shift towards a multi-party system and market economy in the context of war, state independence and dysfunctional institutions has strengthened existing mechanisms of state capture and encouraged the formation of new ones.
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The intentions of copyright during its existence are grinded by various factors, which have determined the emergence and the support of the existence of anti-copyright. Thus, copyright is not used by some subjects according to its purpose, but as an effective means of creating a monopoly and obtaining financial profit by using copyright in their own interests, speculating with it, limiting the poor man's access to culture, education, medicine and so on. The limitation that causes the loss of the ability to learn from others, experience and observations is the ability that only man possesses.
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The neo-imperial policy implemented by the Russian Federation today has significantly changed the rhetoric in the area of security in Eastern Europe. In this context, the authorities of individual countries are taking the necessary actions aimed primarily at strengthening their own defense potential. One of the tools to support the operability and effectiveness of regular military formations are territorial defense units. Therefore, this article presents the process of formation of territorial defense in Ukraine, because it is this state that today is struggling with the direct manifestation of the destructive policy of the Russian Federation. The author presents the formal and structural perspective of the formation of Ukrainian territorial defense. It takes into account the process of its transformation since 2004, taking into account changes in the legislative, organizational and axiological spheres. The war in Donbass had a fundamental impact on the perception of the territorial defense formation by the Ukrainian government. Therefore, the author also presents the perspective of the development of Ukrainian territorial defense in accordance with the radically changed logic of its operation, based on the experiences of other countries. The article deals with the area of the formation of defense potential in Ukraine, which has been so far ignored in the Polish scientific discourse, which, from the perspective of Poland's geopolitical interests, has been an extremely important area of its activity for many years.
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