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The course of training in philosophy has been opened in 1992–93 year. Now it has full term accreditation for 6 years and it is on the 2th place in the national ranking of specialties. 14 young doctors in Philosophy graduated in Veliko Turnovo. Our Faculty has been accepted as national and international center of philosophical researches and education.
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It is suggested to link Antoni Kępiński to the vicinity of the so-called Anthropological Psychiatry. This hypothesis is supported by his criticism of psychiatric objectivity, his personally committed style of psychotherapy and his assumption that mental sanity and illness is based on a constitutive value-based condition according to the model of information metabolism. This paper examines the most important criteria of his psychiatric work and research in contrast to Humanistic Psychology. The provisional conclusion that Kępiński and Anthropological Psychiatry are in accordance cannot be fully justified. However, with a broader concept of anthropological psychiatry it is possible to integrate Kępiński's views.
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Antoni Kępiński remains an often read and quoted author even 40 years after his premature death. Usually he is read in the context of his times and his connections with contemporary philosophy. This paper aims to show other aspects of his reflections on psychiatry. His views on the position of psychiatry within medicine, its methods, psychophysical problems, and other issues are compared with current knowledge and current thought paradigms. The goal is to show that while Kępiński was obviously functioning within a different scientific and philosophical paradigm many of his ideas and reflections can still be found within current debates. The important conclusion is to not hold on to the views that Kępiński held himself because he did not know as much as we do, but to see the importance of the debates that he foresaw even then and possibly learn something from his extensive clinical experience.
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U današnjem postmodernom i postmetafi zičkom vremenu govor o umiranju i smrti, a s njime nužno povezan govor onda i o trpljenju i patnji, ne samo da je nepoželjan i neprimjeren, nego ga se nastoji pod svaku cijenu izbrisati i iz čovjekove misli i govora, iako je smrt sastavni, svakodnevni dio naše svakodnevnice, i ona se događa na svakom koraku, do te mjere da mediji zabilježe i prenesu svaku nesreću bilo kojeg oblika u kojoj se dogodila smrt. Čovjek znanstveno-tehničke civilizacije ježi se od pomisli na smrt i svaki govor o njoj nastoji eliminirati iz svog svakodnevnog življenja. Dok je srednjovjekovni čovjek, pa i onaj renesanse i humanizma usmjeravao svoj život prema načelu ars vivendi kao ars moriendi, i onda u trenutku smrti doživio ars moriendi kao ars vivendi, čovjek 19. i 20. st. više ne prakticira ovu dijalektičku napetost između umijeća življenja i umiranja. Znatan doprinos promijeni ove svijesti i mentaliteta donijela su otkrića i spoznaje prirodnih i tehničkih znanosti, koje su napredovale nezaustavljivim tijekom od 19. st. pa sve do danas. One su obećavale čovječanstvu spasenje i oslobođenje od svih prirodnih ograničenja, materijalni napredak i odgovore na sva pitanja koja su mučila čovječanstvo od postanka. Svojim lažnim sekularnim soteriologijama i eshatologijama osiromašile su čovjekov tubitak i izbacili ga na još veću moralno-etičku pustoš čijoj se krizi ne nazire kraj. U takvoj ispražnjenoj duhovnoj situaciji na poimanje smrti i završetka ljudskog života gleda se na nešto zastrašujuće i utonuće u apsolutno ništavilo. Zato je bolje za današnjeg čovjeka o fenomenu smrti i ne razmišljati prema staroj antičkoj rečenici fi lozofa Epikura: “Smrt, to najstrašnije zlo, nema nikakvog posla s nama; jer dok mi postojimo, smrti nema, a kad ona stigne, onda nas više nema. Tako, dakle, smrt ništa ne znači ni za žive ni za mrtve, jer se živih ne tiče, a mrtvi više ne postoje”.
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Béla Julesz (1928–2003), known for his work in depth perception and pattern recognition, was an inspirational master to a whole generation of neuroscientists. He developed new techniques (involving computer-generated random-dot stereograms, cinematograms, and textures) that led to a new field of perceptual research called “early vision”. Julesz often emphasized the importance of “scientific bilingualism” in the creative process.
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K psychoterapii v Československu po roce 1968
The study opens the topic of the functioning of the expert environment of psychicdisciplines (psychiatry, psychology, psychotherapy, etc.) in socialist Czechoslovakia;not in the sense of their intradisciplinary evolution, but rather with a view to transformations of their social and cultural function and relationship to political powers-that-be. The authoress monitors the professional community of psychotherapists since the 1960s, its semi-official institutional and educational platforms, promotion of psychotherapy in the socialist system of medical care, relation of psychotherapy to other psychic disciplines, and communication with professional trends in the West. She focuses mainly on the first educational psychotherapeutic system in Czechoslovakia known as SUR (it is an acronym consisting of the initials of its three founders – Jaroslav Skála, Edmund Urban and Jaromír Rubeš), which was in use since 1967 and which some 2,000 participants passed through by theend of the 1980s. It was characterized by a self-experience training principle, with therapists applying the same methods and regimes to themselves as to patients. Since 1989, the discipline has experienced a tremendous boom and psychotherapeutic approaches to interpersonal relations and to the “ego” have become not just an “in” thing and a good business, but also a deeper part of everyday life. The authoress confronts the transformation with literature dedicated to the so-called psychotherapization of society in Western Europe. She concludes that analyses of psychic disciplines as tools of expert rule (Nikolas Rose), which were inspired by Michel Foucault, while potentially tempting as an interpretation tool of the periodof neo-liberal dominance in the Czech Lands, ignore the specific historical context ofthe subversive nature of psychotherapy during the period of late socialism, utilization of resources of the socialist medical care system, and their failure after 1989.
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The review of: -„Cognitive Neuroscience: The biology of the mind (International student edition) (4th ed.)“ by Michael S. Gazzaniga, Richard B. Ivry and George R. Mangun; New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 2013, 752 pp. ISBN: 978-0-3939-2228-8 -„The Neurobiology of Addiction“ by Trevor W. Robbins, Barry J. Everitt and David J. Nutt; Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2010, 318 pp. ISBN: 978-0-1995-6215-2
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Teza. Celem artykułu jest zebranie i omówienie wiedzy z zakresu psychologii osobowości w sporcie oraz propozycja nowego wykorzystania dotychczasowych osiągnięć nauki w praktycznym treningu sportowym. Autor powołuje się na badania z zakresu osobowości, nawiązując szczególnie do teorii cech osobowości, postulując, że pomiędzy osobami, które uprawiają sport amatorsko i profesjonalnie, istnieją większe niż przeciętne, różnice indywidualne w natężeniu cech osobowości.Omówione koncepcje. Autor odwołał się do modeli osobowości PEN Eysencka, NEOAC Costy i McCrae, 16FP Cattella, koncepcji biologicznej Greya oraz do artykułów opisujących badania relacji osobowości z predyspozycjami i osiągnięciami sportowymi. Przedstawiono argumenty przemawiające za znaczeniem natężenia cech osobowości, takich jak neurotyczność czy ekstrawersja, w doborze metod treningowych (dobór rodzaju bodźców wzmacniających lub ćwiczeń).Wnioski. Współczesna literatura z zakresu psychologii sportu czerpie niewystarczająco z wiedzy z pozostałych gałęzi tej nauki, takich jak psychologia osobowości. Brakuje badań, które pozwoliłby skontrolować wpływ cech osobowości na sposób uprawiania sportu, szczególnie przez sportowców amatorskich.Ze względu na specyficzną konfigurację cech osobowości ludzie w specyficzny sposób reagują na bodźce: neurotycy silnie reagują na zagrożenie karą i ich zachowanie skupia się na unikaniu jej, podczas gdy ekstrawertycy kierują się potrzebą osiągnięć i nagród. Neurotycy charakteryzują się podwyższonym poziom lęku oraz mniejsza tolerancją bólu. Autor postuluje wykorzystanie tej wiedzy w praktyce trenerów sportu.
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The reason for the question in the title is that during the First World War, Poland was not an independent country so there was no official Polish psychology contribution in the war effort. Nevertheless, psychology was allowed to be developed at two universities (Cracow and Lvov) as an academic discipline. On the other hand, in the areas under Russian jurisdiction the development of psychology started as a practical discipline (organization of psychologists – Polish Psychological Society, care for children with special needs – Szyc, Grzegorzewska). In the areas that would soon become Polish again, as early as at the beginning of the 20th century, psychology was being developed in Polish language and it served exclusively peaceful purposes (education, manufacturing) for the future independent state. That means, that as opposed to other “European psychologies” before and after the First World War, Polish psychology did exist and was developed strictly for peaceful purposes.
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When the later famous psychiatrist Emil Kraepelin (1856–1926) was called to the University of Dorpat/Tartu at the age of 30, he probably did not busy himself much with the multicultural situation that he found there. Like many of his academic contemporaries, he regarded this Baltic university, then still German-speaking and one of the most important in the Russian Empire, as a kind of exile or at least only a way station for his career, which he hoped to pursue within the German Empire. He brought his research programme for the upcoming discipline of psychiatry with him, as the author of the compendium which, in the course of several editions, became a multi-volume, influential textbook. But at his new venue he found not only a complicated situation of (university) politics caught between negotiation processes among the various cultural groups, but also students from many regions and with different mother tongues, who had to adapt to the official language of instruction. In addition, he took over a recently founded university psychiatric clinic, where all parts of the population were represented, but with whom he could communicate only in a rudimentary manner, as far as the non-German-speaking population groups were concerned. But how did the patients from such different language families manage to make themselves heard in the world of university clinics headed by mostly German-speaking physicians, especially in psychiatry, a discipline particularly dependent upon language? What translation processes were performed by whom over the working therapeutic day, and what were the effects of this partial loss of speech on clinical research? What opportunities resulted from precisely this multi-lingual situation in a contact zone between Western Europe and Russia for psychiatric science and practice? This paper attempts to provide some preliminary answers to these questions, using already known and newly discovered sources.
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In his inaugural lecture delivered at the University of Dorpat in 1886, the German psychiatrist Emil Kraepelin presented one of the most concise accounts of the state of psychiatric research in the late nineteenth century. In his lecture, Kraepelin criticized the patho-anatomic research of contemporary neuropsychiatrists and argued that psychiatric research needed to be augmented by a new emphasis on experimental psychology. This article explores the historical contexts that informed Kraepelin’s research agenda in experimental psychology. It argues that Kraepelin’s early experimental research in Dorpat served as a catalyst for his later clinical research in Heidelberg in the sense that it evoked recognition of the importance of disease course and prompted him to expand the breadth of available information about patients beyond what laboratory research could provide. Kraepelin’s experimental research can therefore neither be dismissed entirely, nor posited as the wellspring of his nosology, but needs instead to be viewed as a crucial tool of accurate diagnostic practice.
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. Professor of psychiatry Vladimir Chizh was a successor of Emil Kraepelin at the University of Tartu (now: Estonia; then: Russian Empire) during the years 1891–1916. The same period witnessed the second and decisive rise in Estonian national movement leading finally to the foundation of Estonian state in 1918. A particular character in Estonian national discourse was its notorious biologisation, i.e. strong presence of eugenical ideology. Professor Chizh’s scientific research supported this tendency. In 1901 Chizh published a study in which he compared the criminal activity of Estonians and Latvians. Chizh’s method derived from an assumption that the two neighbouring Baltic populations possess an extremely similar environmental, cultural and socio-political background. The biological (racial) essence of the two groups he believed to differ – Latvians belonging to Indo-European nations, Estonians being Finnic. Deriving from the previous – if any differences in the criminal behaviour of the two existed, these could be explained by biological factors. In the results of his work Chizh reported on a notorius disbalance in the criminality of the two nations, Estonians exceeding Latvians in a rough ratio 5:3. Chizh, supporting the teaching of Cesare Lombroso, had achieved in such a way his goal, i.e. he believed that he had proved the biological essence of criminal behaviour. For the Estonian community the study by Chizh opened a subsequent field for further discussions on the topic ‘nature versus nurture’.
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At the turn of 19th and 20th century Frances Baumgarten’s empirical research was one of the positive influences in the development of psychology, otherwise clearly hampered by political barriers and ideological influences. It was particularly important for the development of psychological terminology in each of the emerging new countries. Frances Baumgarten’s research, which was done in 1914 and published in several publications in Polish 13 years later, shows one of the more interesting and particularly valuable examples of the development of empirical research methodology and is the evidence of high development and specialization of Polish psychological language.
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Defined as mass psychology, the characteristics of the social, psychological behaviors and attitudes of mass, has been analyzed, in the 19th century, by the famous French social scientists Gustave Le Bon, Gabriel Tarde, pioneer of the German psychological school Sigmund Freud and English psychologist William Mc Dougall. These researchers have analyzed the psychology of mass movements occurring in the framework of social events, the gathering of people possessing different cultural and social values around an event and have argued that the acting of the mass with a collective consciousness and collective soul creates mass psychology. Especially, according to Le Bon and Freud, acting through “common soul”, “common consciousness”, “subconsciousness” that are the main characteristics of the mass psychology; are among the most important values of mass movements. The Gezi Movement, which took place in May- August 2013 in the Gezi Park, has also demonstrated the characteristics of a mass movement. Individuals and social groups composed of these individuals participating to the movement have acted through mass psychology. The proper characteristics of masses defined in Mass Psychology analyses of Le Bon and Freud have also been found in the masses participating to the Gezi Movement since these masses have tried to develop their resistance through the typical framework of mass psychology. This study has the purpose to provide an analysis of the Gezi Movement as a mass movement in the light of the scholars of the French and German social psychology school Gustave Le Bon and Sigmund Freud.
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The review of: „Historia badań poligraficznych [literally “History of polygraph examinations]” by Jan Widacki; Oficyna Wydawnicza Krakowskiej Akademii im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego, Kraków 2017, 197 pp.
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The article presents the first years of the autism and the way it was viewed since the autistic features were first observed until 75 years ago when Leo Kanner coined the term “autism”. It took 36 years to Kanner’s “infantile autism” to be formally recognized by the American Psychiatric Association in the third edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (APA, 1980). Fifty years after Hans Asperger published his four cases of “autistic psychopaths”, whose traits were described as early as 1938 in his postdoctoral thesis, APA introduced the Asperger syndrome in the fourth edition of DSM(1994). However, two decades before Kanner and Asperger, a Russian psychiatrist, Grunia Sukhareva, reported six cases of “schizoid psychopathy” in children and used the term autistic to describe their “tendency towards solitude and avoidance of other people” (Wolff, 1996, p. 129). We bring together three recent extensive accounts on autism history and try to establish who was the first to observe, describe, and label the autistic traits as a separate clinical picture from childhood schizophrenia.
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The article covers the history of psychotherapy in the present-day Czech Republic, focusing mainly on the era of the Communist dictatorship which lasted from 1948 to 1989. However, we also investigate how psychotherapy developed before Communism and how the period of totalitarianism is reflected in the present state of psychotherapy in the Czech Republic. Apart from psychotherapy in the narrow sense, we will mention related fields such as psychohygiene, philosophy, religion, development of psychology as a scientific discipline, mental health care, consultancy, etc. In the first part, we describe the history of psychotherapy in Czechoslovakia, which we will divide into five periods: 1. before the Communist putsch in 1948; 2. from the Communist putsch to the late 1950s (severe dictatorship); 3. the 1960s (liberalisation of the regime and a development of civic society); 4. from 1968 to 1989 (a period of the so-called normalisation when the regime strengthens again in the 1970s and weakens in the 1980s); 5. the period after the so-called Velvet Revolution (1989). In the second part, we will briefly address two specifically Czech therapeutic approaches (Mr. and Mrs. Knobloch’s integrated psychotherapy and the SUR training program).
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The “contextualizing” and “internationalizing” of the history of psychology is an ongoing project, however, Central Europe, as a coherent perspective, and the history of Hungarian psychology specifically, is acutely missing in current surveys of international psychology, and more broadly, in “western consciousness”. This paper is an attempt at presenting a comprehensive, socially and politically contextualized framework of the history of Hungarian psychology, from its beginnings until the fall of communism. The paper situates the history of psychology in the history of Hungary since without this broader background Hungarian psychology cannot be treated as a contextualized phenomenon. Reconstructing the history of Hungarian psychology is, at the same time, reclaiming the past, since continuity with, and remembrance of the past was once forcefully obstructed by the communist regime, and the effects proved to be long lasting. Hungarian psychology was, in part, a genuine “extension” of psychology as it developed in Germany and more broadly in Europe, but also a unique and remarkable phenomenon greatly shaped by specific socio-political context. Scholarship on the history of Hungarian psychology is growing fast, but the richness of this history has yet to be more fully explored and appreciated, inside and outside of Hungary.
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Erich Fromm, Bruno Bettelheim és Erik H. Erikson amerikai pályája
The essay attempts to compare the careers of three famous psychoanalysts, Erich Fromm, Bruno Bettelheim, and Erik H. Erikson from the point of view of the history of science and the sociology of knowledge. All of them came from Central Europe, from Jewish families. Their life work unfolded in America, but their thinking had been determined by their European experiences and questions: the meaning of freedom, the dilemma of survival, and the nature of identity. In the 1960s and 1970s they were respected not only as psychoanalysts and social thinkers, but as public intellectuals, too. For today, however, they became “forgotten intellectuals”. The essay points out those social, scientific, political, and personal factors that played a part in their decline.
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