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My name is Marina Jelic and I’m from the Republic of Serbia. In my case the information where I come from is not irrelevant to the subject of this meeting in general. Because, as you may be aware, the country that I come from was, until the beginning of 1990s, part of a larger administrative territory – the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is interesting to note that collapse of that complex country coincides with the fall of Berlin Wall, or collapse of communist systems in countries of Central and Eastern Europe. From the previously mentioned it is given to conclude that the communist regime can be only discussed in context of Yugoslavia (not Serbia). Serbia, which, aft er the collapse of federal country, went into wars, was in a particular way totalitarian organized state (as the most of former Yugoslav republics), which was in a way logical given the situation of open (or covert) war that prevailed in those newly created countries. It is not possible, however, to talk about classic communist model of government. (One party system, state ownership of property and materials for production, lack of freedom of press, total enclosed mass media, and so on…)
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Dear participants of the conference Crimes of the Communist Regimes, I can’t unfortunately be present in the conference, as I am taking part on a European Parliament’s fact-finding delegation visit to Belarus. Twenty years after the fall of the Iron Curtain and almost six years after the accession of post-communist countries to the EU, it is natural to ask how one should deal with the past of the communist states. How should we evaluate the actions of the communist regimes behind the Iron Curtain? For me the points of departure are definitely human rights and justice. It is undisputed that the communist regimes violated human rights, as the Resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe of 25 January 2006 states. However, it is not as clear how we should deal with this past. In my contribution I will touch upon the question of the power of interpretation, the need for a free and tolerant public debate, the complex issue of transparency and the diverse roles of politicians and researchers in Vergangenheitspolitik. The question is: who interprets the truth?
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Were the killings on the Inner German border a crime against humanity? Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, nearly two decades after the demise of the GDR, this question may seem passé. Why should we be interested in a question, when from the criminal justice point of view the issue of injustices in the GDR has been closed for a long time? We can put forward two reasons. The first is purely academic interest, without benefit, which in this concrete case gathers impetus from the fact that answers put forward to date have not been satisfactory. The second is that the border policy of the GDR regime is of such historical significance that it calls for evaluation by means of normative criteria for judging the criminal responsibility of individuals in the framework of concrete prosecutions. Clear proof of this is seen in the recently begun, passionate debate on the classification of the GDR as a country afflicted by injustice. Finally, this presentation should offer the first thoughts at this conference on to what extent the international legal category of crimes against humanity can play a role in the legal processing of the injustices of Europe ’s Communist regimes.
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Psychological theories have in common that violent crime is definitely interpret the psychological characteristics of personality, thereby disenfranchising or completely ignoring the importance and influence of social factors. For these reasons, among them are often observed psychologism and psychologizing. Taking only one side of the crimes for their whole(pars pro toto) leads to the etiological explain it as merely a psychological phenomenon. Try to get a limited number of facts build adequate scientific theory proved to be ineffective, and if its appearance persisted, practical assessment did not provide convincing evidence in support of their accuracy,which is why they usually remain at the level of hypothesis.Recognizing that the absolute psychological characteristics of personality unacceptable psychologically oriented authors today tend to certain types of criminal behavior linked to the relevant psychological characteristics of the offender. In doing so, one must not disregard the influence of the environment on the formation of the personality of offenders, and that personality traits and external factors act simultaneously and intertwined,which is why only conditionally be separated. Personality is not autonomous in relation to the social context; on the contrary, man and society are closely linked, interdependent and permeate entities. Man necessarily occurs in society (on his subjective totality, it carries in itself, of course, not as a simple reflection of the experience, but as revised), a society can not exist without man and independent of him. Given that the whole of human activities is an unbreakable unity of objective and subjective, social and personal, it is necessary to examine the complex relationships the individual - group -society and the contradictions in them, often trying some of these offenses.Only such an approach can aspire to a more complete explanation of violent crime, which was for many years a very serious problem in the European Union and Republic of Serbia.
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Central Asia faces a broad range of security challenges. Due to the region’s position at the crossroads between Russia, China, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran and the Caspian Sea it is confronted with a range of trans-national issues such as drug trafficking, human trafficking, organised crime and terrorism. Central Asia also encounters specific regional threats including scarcity of water resources for generating power and irrigation purposes, which is currently causing tension. On a national level the five Central Asian republics face the threat of instability due to bad governance and the harsh impact of the economic crisis.
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Jean Genet, gerek yazınsal kariyeri, gerekse özel yaşamıyla kendisinden çok fazla söz ettirmiş Fransız düşünür, deneme ve roman yazarıdır. Şiirleri de olan yazar yazınsal kimliğini daha çok tiyatro oyunlarıyla kanıtlamıştır. Onu ayrıcalıklı veya farklı kılan yanı yalnızca yazınsal alanla sınırlı değildir. O aynı zamanda toplumsal sorunlara da sırtını dönmeyen bir politika aktivistidir. Fransa’daki toplumsal hareketlerle sınırlanmayan bu savaşım Filistin mücadelesinde olduğu kadar Amerika’da Kara Panterler hareketine değin uzanır. Yazarın özgünlüğü yaptığı seçimlerden kaynaklanır. Jean Genet yazını seçmemiş, onu kendisini anlatmak için bir araç olarak görmüştür. Bir bakıma yazınla tanışmasını sağlayan durum aslında toplumca kabul görmeyen ve onunla özdeşleşen suçlarla dolu özel yaşamıdır denilebilir. Bu saptamanın yerindeliği yapıtlarında ele aldığı konu ve izlekler dikkate alındığında daha açık biçimde ortaya çıkacaktır.
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The aim of this paper is to investigate immigrant female killers on five American television series, from a psycho-social perspective, broadcasted in Spain from 2000 to 2015. On the one hand, in light of exploring the profile of female criminality in order to reveal the bias in fictional female characters, whenever they commit death crimes voluntarily, and, on the other hand, to raise awareness of the most common personality disorders that they tend to have, so as to foster a socially responsible approach of the media production. The selection of the research topic, responds to the striking impacts of the combination of media and psychology in the human kind and in society, and its power in establishing stereotypes of female gender, whenever female protagonists appear on the small screen. Whenever television programs focused on immigrants, a massive employment of negative stereotypes has been observed assigned to the image of the immigrant in all series and also a correlation between reality and fiction.
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The human trafficking is widely thought to be the modern form of slavery. It started before many years and still exists. Nowadays a great number of people, especially women and children, are trafficked, mainly from poor to developed states, in order to be exploited either for sex or for labor. The Western societies, including the international organizations and institutions, have taken measures, as they have tried to eliminate it. The most characteristic attempt is the Palermo Protocol. However, the legislation has been proved ineffective, therefore the states in collaboration with the organizations should realize the basic dimensions of this phenomenon and legislate based on them.
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Many stories have been told of how ‘hyenas’ facilitate undocumented migration and in the process negotiate and protect migrants from the much feared magumaguma who prey on the ‘innocent lives’ of would-be migrants desiring a better life in South Africa. The paper relies on first hand accounts of individuals who have crossed the Limpopo River and Zimbabwe-South Africa border as undocumented migrants. It utilises qualitative in-depth interviews of Zimbabwean migrants in Johannesburg. These individuals have had to deal with some, if not all, of the following: ‘hyenas’, crocodiles, magumaguma and the malayitsha. This paper demonstrates the central role of human smugglers such as the malayitsha and hyenas/impisi and the precarious nature of undocumented Zimbabwean migration showing the sheer will to survive against all odds; migrating to a perceived better life. Death will not deter migration or the aspiration to change one’s life by migrating. The paper creates a good case for the need for further research targeting the magumaguma and the malayitsha so that a critical mass of literature can be created on these human smugglers. This paper is important as it comes up with a conceptual framework on understanding undocumented Zimbabwean migration to South Africa.
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The future of the International Criminal Court (ICC) depends on its reputation in Africa. The withdrawal of Burundi, completed in October 2017, is an example of the problems with maintaining the legitimacy of the court on the continent, its major area of operation. If more African states follow, the ICC may not retain the prestige it has tried to build over the last two decades.
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Perspektywy Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego są zależne od jego rangi w Afryce. Wycofanie się Burundi z MTK, zakończone w październiku 2017 r., jest przykładem problemów z legitymizacją Trybunału na kontynencie, który stanowi główne pole jego działania. Jeśli kolejne państwa afrykańskie pójdą śladem Burundi, MTK może nie odzyskać budowanej od dwóch dekad pozycji.
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ТУЖИЛАШТВО ЗА ОРГАНИЗОВАНИ КРИМИНАЛ - Устаничка 29, 11000 Београд Предмет: кривична пријава против Владимира Ђукановића, народног посланика из Београда, служ. адреса: Народна скупштина Републике Србије, Београд, 11000, Трг Николе Пашића 13, и више Н.Н. лица, због основане сумње да су починили кривична дела из чл. 346, 278 и 128. Кривичног законика Републике Србије (даље: КЗ).
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Polako pada noć, počeo je policijski čas. Pred zgradom u novosadskom bulevaru Cara Lazara, iako je vreme zabrane kretanja, okuplja se grupa ljudi. Oveća grupa, čak petnaestak njih, mlađi ljudi, svi sa maskama i pod kapuljačama. Iz parkiranog kombija vade opremu za razglas, miksetu, pirotehnički materijal i penju se na krov zgrade. Sledi veoma glasno emitovanje snimljenog materijala tipa „Hej, hej Đilase, vrati pare lopove“, potom bakljada i vatromet.
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Kad sam čuo da su opet i to za vrijeme policijskog sata razbijali ploče na Bogdanovićevom Partizanskom groblju u Mostaru, istovremeno sam osjetio tugu, bijes i gađenje, da bi mi kao prva pomisao došla pjesma Krivo srastanje od Azre. Preciznije, pomislio sam na nekoliko konkretnih stihova iz te mračne Štulićeve pjesme s istoimenog albuma: „I svi tvoji plaćeni nitkovi, doušnici i sjecikese, i svi tvoji mutavi urlatori zvučnih titula… a talon nose ružni i opaki, s nečuvenom moći da tjeraju što zažele. Mnogo ih je i strašno galame, obično razbiju sva ogledala na koja naiđu, da ne ostane ni pomen na ljepotu“.
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I ako se o nasilju nad ženama i seksualnom nasilju sve više istražuje, piše i raspravlja u sociološkoj, kriminološkoj i pravnoj literaturi, femicid kao rodno utemeljeno ubistvo žena je u velikoj mjeri marginalizan u javnom diskursu u Bosni i Hercegovini, ali i u prentivnim aktivnostima. Diskusije o femicidu su uglavnom rezervirane za međunarodna istraživanja te rad nevladinih organizacija koje se bave nasiljem nad ženama, ali rjeđe za akademske ili medijske diskusije. Situacija u BiH podsjeća na ovu koju opisuje Weil za europski kontekst općenito, odnosno moglo bi se reći da smo još uvijek u situaciji da je femicid nevidljiv iako postoji velika potreba da se učini što vidljivijim: “Iako se femicid u prošlosti nije u potpunosti ignorirao, do sada je oznaka imala različita rodno neutralna ili čak muško-centrirana značenja, kao što su 'smrtonosna ubistva žena', 'ubistvo žena', 'viktimizacija ženskog ubistva' ili čak 'ubistvo iz nehata'. U međuvremenu, srodne teme, kao što su nasilje u porodici i nasilje od intimnog partnera, proučavane su bez obzira na femicid sam po sebi. Tako je femicid uvršten u kategoriju 'ubistva', dok su se specifični oblici femicida nazivali 'ubojstvom iz časti', 'ubojstvom supruge' ili 'uksoricidom'. Sve dok se femicid smatrao ekstremnim oblikom nasilja u porodici, posebne rodno povezane karakteristike ovog društvenog, rodnog fenomena bile su zamagljene. Femicid je bio 'nevidljiv' i morao se učiniti 'vidljivim'.”
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Ali Kushayb, wanted since 2007 by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in connection with his role in the war in Darfur, Sudan, has been arrested and taken to The Hague. His arrest increases the likelihood of the extradition of the overthrown president of Sudan, Omar al-Bashir, and at the same time, strengthens the court in the face of the dispute with the United States.
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By presenting an analysis of my four-year ethnographical work with members of al Ghurabaa and the Saved Sect, two British Islamist parties banned for glorifying terrorism (Terrorism Act 2006, section 2), and partially involved in terrorist attacks in Britain and abroad, this article attempts to open up new lines of enquiry on Islamism, Islamists in Britain and the dynamics of radicalization among young Islamists, as members of a minority community in Britain.
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