Tačka razlaza

Author(s): Olivera Milosavljević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Polemika u listu Vreme započela je člankom urednika u broju od 1. avgusta 2002, a nastavljena je u Pošti i Reagovanjima i trajala je neprekidno punih petnaest nedelja. Uredništvo je oglasilo njen kraj u broju od 28. novembra 2002, objašnjavajući da pisama ima još, ali samo onih kojima čitaoci podržavaju uređivačku politiku lista. U polemici je objavljeno 78 pisama (uključujući i tekst urednika D. Žarkovića), koje je napisalo 50 autora. Urednik i članovi redakcije su imali 8 priloga (Žarković - 1, Stefanović - 2, Milošević - 1, Cerović - 4) i jednu intervenciju u broju od 3. oktobra, u osmoj nedelji polemike, kada su naveli da osećaju nelagodnost "zbog usamljene pozicije g. Popovića u njegovom naporu da održi razgovor o jednoj od najvažnijih tema srpskog društva". Sa druge strane, najveći broj tekstova (9) napisao je Srđa Popović, osnivač lista Vreme. Od ukupnog broja učesnika polemike, desetoro se javilo po dva puta, a četvoro tri, odnosno četiri puta, što znači da je 43 pisama napisalo 15 autora, dok je ostalih 35 javljanja bilo od 35 drugih autora. "Na strani" Vremena i "na strani" oponenata objavljen je precizno jednak broj tekstova. Uz polemiku, uredništvo je objavilo i nekoliko "priloga": dva intervjua Srđe Popovića data drugim novinama, jedan apel iz 1999. upućen NATO-u i jedno privatno pismo iz 1999. upućeno Sonji Biserko, koje se, po navodu pošiljaoca, "vrtelo" na nekoliko veb-sajtova. Polemika je započela tekstom glavnog urednika lista Vreme Dragoljuba Žarkovića Dehelsinkizacija gospođe Biserko kao odgovor na njene kritike upućene listu a sadržane u citatu navedenom u tekstu trećeg autora u drugim novinama. U početku je izgledalo da će se na napadu i odbrani Sonje Biserko lično, polemika i završiti. To se, međutim, nije desilo. Težište je sa ličnosti Sonje Biserko preneto na njene stavove, i u okosnicu polemike izdiglo se pitanje da li su stavovi - da srpska elita preko nezavisnih medija (B92 i Vreme) čini sve da zločin ne samo relativizuje već i deetnifikuje - tačni ili ne. Vrlo brzo i vrlo jasno kristalizovale su se dve opcije, jedna koju je zastupala pozicija (u ovom slučaju list Vreme i branioci) sa tezom da je izveštavanje lista objektivno a da zločine treba deetnifikovati jer je njihova etnifikacija isto što i "kolektivna krivica naroda", i druga koju je zastupala opozicija, koja je smatrala da list relativizuje zločine jer se ne može "deetnifikovati" etničko čišćenje, što ne podrazumeva.

Poland - Country Report - Poland

Author(s): Władysław Bułhak / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The following report applies to the execution of tasks performed by the Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation, related to the prosecution of communist, Nazi and war crimes, crimes against the humanity as well as those against peace. The Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation was called into being by the passing of a parliamentary act of 18 December 1998. The preamble to the Act on the Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation indicated the foundations and leading principles this legal document was supposed to satisfy in regard to the injustices suffered under the totalitarian regimes: The leading principles include: – remembering about the multitude of victims, losses and damages suffered by the Polish Nation during WWII and after its end, – patriotic traditions of the Polish Nation’s fight against the oppressors, Nazis and communists, – civil actions aimed at the independence of the Polish Nation and executed in defense of freedom and human dignity, – the obligation to prosecute crimes against peace, humanity, as well as war crimes, – the duty of the state to satisfy all those harmed by the law violating the human rights.

Country Report - Bulgaria - Crimes committed by the communist regime in Bulgaria

Author(s): Vasil Kadrinov,Dinyu Sharlanov,Venelin I. Ganev / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) is responsible for the state governance in Bulgaria from 1944 to 1989 and for the establishment of the totalitarian communist regime in the country. The BCP seized power on 9 September 1944 through a coup supported by a foreign country – the Soviet Union, which had declared war on Bulgaria. Founded in 1903 after a split in the Social-Democratic Party, BCP had failed to assert itself as a significant power in Bulgarian politics. Its efforts to generate big electoral support were unsuccessful, and its parliamentary influence never matched that of the agrarian and social-democratic parties in the country.

Classification of crimes committed between 1948 and 1989 and the prosecution of these crimes after 1990

Author(s): Miroslav Lehký / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Dear Ms Němcová, ladies and gentlemen, In introduction, let me present a brief overview of the most grievous crimes committed by the communist regime in Czechoslovakia between 1948 and 1989. The period after the Communist Party’s assumption of power in February 1948 saw severe violations of all principal human rights and freedoms as well as civic rights. The fabricated political trials that the communist regime used to eliminate the opponents of the regime, which were based on investigations carried out by the State Security Service (“StB”) using torture and gross physical and psychological violence, resulted in the conviction of more than 257,000 people between 1948 and 1989, and if we include the people convicted by martial courts, the number exceeds 267,000 people. The very archival documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (“UV KSČ”) dating back to the 1950s list almost 27,000 people convicted for “anti-state crimes” between 1948 and 1952. The people were sentenced to severe imprisonment (15 or 25 years, or for life) and their personal property was forfeited and their civic and political rights taken away from them. A total of 248 people (including one woman) were executed for political reasons.

Responding to crimes against humanity committed in Slovenia after the Second World War

Author(s): Jernej Letnar Černič / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

As many as 130,000 people are estimated to have been summarily executed in Slovenia in the months following the end of the Second World War on 8 May 1945.1 It is further estimated that around 15,000 of those executed were of Slovenian nationality, whereas others included Croats, Serbs, and Germans. They were mostly civilians but also included members of the Slovenian Home Guard and other political opponents of the resistance movement led by the Slovenian Communist Party. These crimes – carried out by members of the Slovenian section of the Yugoslav Secret Police – were committed mostly in the form of systematic summary executions at hidden locations across Slovenia, predominantly in unpopulated rural areas and in forests. They were part of a systematic plan of the Slovenian Communist Party to eliminate their political opponents and their families, civilian or otherwise. It is still unclear whether the order for the liquidation of alleged political opponents and civilian population originated from the head of the former Yugoslav Security Police in Belgrade or the Slovenian branch in Ljubljana.

Насиље у породици

Author(s): Dragan Jovašević / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Based on the adopted international standards which are part of numerous documents of universal and regional international organizations (Council of Europe, European Union) by adopting new criminal regulation in 2005 and its updating in 2009 and 2011 respectively, Republic of Serbia has prescribed family violence as a separate criminal offence. Providing criminal responsibility and punishability for the most severe forms of violence among relatives Serbia approached in this way numerous other legal and social systems. The paper analyses the international standards of the European regional organizations and their implementation in the criminal legislation of Serbia from the theoretical and practical aspects.

Świat zza krat. Język i psychologia rzeczywistości więziennej (na materiale rosyjskiego żargonu przestępczego)

Author(s): Jakub Musialik / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The article offers an analysis of names of persons in Russian prison slang. The source material was provided by „Справочник по ГУЛАГу” (The Encyclopedia and Dictionary of Prison Slang) by J. Rossi and „Словарь тюремно-лагерно-блатного жаргона” (A Dictionary of Prison, Forced Labor Camp and Criminal Slang) by D. Baldaev, I. Isupov, and V. Belko. In describing lexical units references were made to the studies in penitentiary psychology.

Istraživanje: Zločini silovanja i seksualnog nasilja u Bosni i Hercegovini – od procedure prijave do kaznenih politika

Author(s): Nejra Nuna Čengić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Tokom mjeseca jula 2017. godine, polaznici/e Feminističke škole organizirane u okviru Sarajevskog otvorenog centra, proveli su kvalitativno istraživanje o postupanju i stavovima službenih osoba koje rade na procesuiranju krivičnih djela seksualnog nasilja, s fokusom na krivično djelo silovanja, te predstavnika organizacija civilnog društva koje se bave zaštitom prava oštećenih. Istraživanje je zasnovano na strukturiranim intervjuima sa predstavnicima MUP-a, tužilaštava i civilnog društva iz Sarajeva, Zenice, Tuzle, Banje Luke i Mostara. Intervjuima su trebale biti obuhvaćene i sudije koje rade na procesuiranju ove vrste krivičnih djela, te su pozivi za učešće u istraživanju dostavljeni udruženjima sudija u BiH. Nažalost, ista se nisu odazvala pozivu. Urađeno je ukupno deset intervjua. Veliki broj njih radio se u parovima, što je impliciralo dva intervjuera/ke i dva sagovornika/ce. Na ovaj način, ukupan broj sagovornika iz ciljne skupine koji je učestvovao u istraživanju je 17.

Problemi opskrbe, krijumčarenje i borba protiv gospodarskog kriminala u hrvatskome dijelu Zone B Julijske krajine (1945-1947)

Author(s): Vedran Dukovski / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Territorial division of Istria, occupation on the part of the Yugoslav Army and the Allied forces, i.e., the unsolved political and legal status of Istria played a crucial role in renewal of provisioning and commerce, but also in the development of smuggling and gray market. Ideological indoctrination of the authorities that did not allow development of private ownership and "enrichment” (that were against the laws of free market) caused slow resumption of trade and provisioning, but also booming of economic crime. Constant lack of foodstuffs and other goods was made worse by incapable and unskilled cadres of district authorities who usually got their posts thanks to their "achievements” and not according to competence. Unsuccessful implementation of plans for restoration of economy, but also of provisioning and commerce, can be attributed to political indoctrination of individuals. The conflict between district People’s Committees and County People’s Committee for Istria was also in evidence. It aggravated the situation since the district People’s Committees wanted to establish monopoly on commerce. Fighting over monopoly, the authorities forgot the people who were forced to seek remedy in illegal activities and buying from grasping smugglers. Apart from the rivalry between the People’s Committees, there were military authorities that cooperated poorly or not at all with People’s Committees, so the people were often sandwiched between two authorities each of whom laid their own laws. The main motive of most smugglers was simply survival. Most people going into smuggling had on other choice. In their struggle against smuggling the authorities focused primarily on those who sold for personal gain. These people dealt mostly in rationed monopoly items such as tobacco, spirits and salt, as well as in foreign currency - mostly Italian lire.

Идеолошка основа злочина Независне Државе Хрватске 1941.

Author(s): Jovan Mirković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The newly-proclaimed Croatian state in April 1941 was based on the ideology of the Ustasha movement that was founded on racist and extremely nationalist policy with the aim of creating a “purely Croatian living-space” that would make possible the existence of the “pure Croatian nation”. The precondition for such tendencies was physical extermination of the Serbs and the Jews who were declared the “greatest enemies of the Croatian people” for whom “there was no place in Croatia”. They were joined by the Gypsies, as a non-Aryan inferior race. In order to achieve these goals “internal purification” was also needed, i.e. it was also necessary to destroy all those Croat and Muslim elements designated as traitors due to their “un-Croatian behavior” who were perceived as “a blemish on the body of the pure Croatian nation”. The reaction to the entry of German troops into Zagreb and the enthusiastic greeting with which they met, show that at the time of the aggression of the Fascist powers on Yugoslavia the ideology of the Ustasha movement was in keeping with prevailing ideological and religious attitude of large part of the Croatian people. The goals, the way of organizing and performing the activities of the Ustasha organization prove its terrorist character. Crimes against the Serbian population (as the factor of disturbance) and against the Jews and the Gypsies (as non-Aryans) were committed not because these weren’t loyal to the new government and because of the stability of the new state, but because of the ideological bases on which that state was build. This was shown by public statements and the propaganda activities of the exponents of this ideology (the Ustasha) and by the government through legislation, as well as by actions of all state organs – the police, the military, the judiciary, the administration – primarily through physical destruction of groups or through creation of conditions condemning a group to biological destruction. This is particularly visible from the analysis of the chronology of crimes committed during the first days of the existence of the ISC, that is in a period when there was no organized resistance as well as by the analysis of statistical data of the name-census of the war victims that has been revised so far. From the analysis of the statistical data and categories of the name census of the victims it is evident that the Independent State of Croatia ever since its proclamation and throughout the war committed systematic crime of genocide with the intention of destroying some ethnic, national and religious groups – Orthodox Serbs, the Jews and the Gypsies – which is particularly visible in the analysis of the 1941 data. Genocidal character of the crimes during the first days of the ISC’s existence can be observed on examples of mass liquidations in which political or military capability of a group to oppose the regime played no role whatsoever. On the contrary, mass liquidations of the whole population took place – of men, women, children and the aged. Exactly the analysis of the manifest intent and actions in 1941 show that the crime , the most severe form of crimes against humanity – the genocide (as defined afterwards) was in-built in the very foundations of the newly-founded state and its ideological basis.

Између мита и истине: масовна одмазда у Краљеву, октобра 1941.

Author(s): Silvija Krejaković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

One of the worst war-crimes committed by the Wehrmacht troops against civilians in the territory of Serbia was the mass retaliation in Kraljevo in October 1941. Authentic, original historical sources (among which temporally closest to the event are: the name lists made by factory and communal administrations on order of the District head on March 24, 1942; lists of the Refugee Commissariat; evidence of the survivors and contemporaries; personal and family memorabilia, documents of the State Commission for Establishing the Crimes of the Occupiers) are kept at local and central institutions. Historical sources as fragments of the past offer a complete picture of the causes of the shooting, forged ideologically by the order of the supreme German command and applied according to the proportions of the Nazi value system in which one German life in Serbia was worth 100 Serbian lives because of the losses the 717 Division of the Wehrmacht suffered from the Partizan-Chetnik attacks; of the consequences of the shooting as each individual victim was reflected on the suffering of his or her family, of the large number of war orphans, of devastated economy… The real picture of the tragedy based on exact historical data was lost among a spate of mythologized views. The date of the shooting – that according to the primary sources and memories of the contemporaries and the survivors, lasted from October 15 to 20, 1941 – was identified with October 14, the day of commemoration. The ideological and political motives were decisive for turning the place of shooting (at first called the Camp Grave-Yard, then, the Grave-Yard of the Shot) into the Memorial Park (1965–1992) with no crosses and names of the shot in the plan of the memorial complex. The service for the dead, synonymous with paying respect to the victims, was replaced in newspaper articles, studies, literary works and posters by the term the October Festivities during the above mentioned years. In the mythical layers, the oldest and the least open to explanations except in scholarly conferences and discussions in small scholarly circles, was the myth of the number of the shot in the Kraljevo camp that varied in newspaper articles and everyday talk between 6.000 and 7.500 victims. In the culture of remembrance based on research, analysis and comparison of historical sources that had been diligently collected and preserved in the Historical archives, in the Institution of the Memorial Park and in the People’s Museum in Kraljevo personalization of the victims was necessary. Through the model of data-base modern historical science has established so far the names of 2.190 hostages shot in the camp. The process of research of the victims – their social, ethnic, age and religious make up and the search for their documents and belongings is permanent practice in the museum. The proportions of the crime against humanity are indirectly to be found in the number of families left with no bread-winner, in the number of wartime orphans, in the destroyed economy, since at least 102 persons under age were shot and since the majority of the hostages were workers and clerks of the then airplane and wagon factories, employees of institutions and schools, in the most productive age between 18 and 55. Apart from the electronic form, the unique notes on identity of every person shot – as unique as their lives had been – are noted in the books of Remembrance in the museum’s permanent exhibition, but also in the project planned for the location of the shooting, on the walls of a chapel.

Ochočte si technologie! Násilí na ženách a informační technologie

Author(s): Kateřina Fialová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Znásilnění: několik úvah nad právní úpravou

Author(s): Barbara Havelková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Analýza mediálního diskurzu MF Dnes o znásilnění

Author(s): Tereza Hendlová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Dilema věř, nebo pochybuj: Problematika vzdělávání policistů a policistek v oblasti práce s obětí znásilnění

Author(s): Lukáš Sedláček / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Island: úvod do legislativy a schémata podpor y obětí znásilnění

Author(s): Sigþrúður Guðmundsdóttir / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

DO WE KNOW WE ARE A SMALL PEOPLE?

Author(s): Saša Đošić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The wish of all citizens in Serbia is to join the European Union, or at least it should be. To become a full member of the EU, one has to fulfill a number of obligations which are demanded by this “community of states”. Of course, if one wishes to live better, to join other peoples in the surroundings and have an approximate living standard as they do, one must accept certain rules and principles which they share. From 1999 to the changes of 2000, Serbia was in a political, economic, financial and cultural chaos, which was caused by a backward, conservative and dangerous policy of Slobodan Milošević and his men. There are certain demands which Serbia and Montenegro must fulfill if the country wants to enter the European Union.

Crimmigration in Brazil and the Netherlands: How the Phenomenon of Securitization can be a Fuel to These Processes?

Author(s): Laís Azeredo Alves / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The purpose of this paper is to verify the extent to which Brazilian Migration Policy has been influenced by the US War on Drugs and how, justified through a security discourse, it employs practices that violate human rights. A key objective is to determine if the combined effects of drug securitization and historical racism are resulting in the start of a “crimmigration” process. The fact that the federal police, the agency in charge of policing drug trafficking, is also the one that manages immigration, is a major factor in this assessment. This paper further analyses the immigration policy of the Netherlands, for two key reasons. Because a Crimmigration process is also apparent in the Netherlands comparison with the Brazilian context provides for an assessment of the relative degrees of Crimmigration. Secondly, because Dutch drugs policy is fundamentally different to Brazil’s, it provides scope for valuable insights into how differing causal factors lead to the same results, such as the fact both countries treat migration policy with a security bias. The methodology applied in this research is based on bibliographic materials and governmental documents related to the immigration process in Brazil and in the Netherlands.

Majka i dijete u zločinu genocida nad Bošnjacima

Author(s): Adib Đozić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Genocide against Bosniaks of the United Nations Safe Zone Srebrenica, before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, verdicts of German courts (Düsseldorf High Regional Court), genocide crimes in Doboj and other places in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and verdicts of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, are paradigmatic evidence of genocidal destruction of Bosniaks, because the analysis of specific socio-historical processes, in the form of national liberation movements and nation-building in South Slavs and the wider Balkans, continuously, as an integral part of the genocide against Bosniaks. There are a lot of evidence of genocide against Bosniaks that are explicit and unquestionable as social, historical and legal facts, but one of them stands out and that is the genocide of mother and child as sources of holiness of life. In this paper, we will work on concrete socio-historical examples of the suffering of mothers and children in the genocide against Bosniaks from the beginning of the so-called “National liberation movements” in the early 19th century, through the Balkan wars, the First and Second World Wars, to the war against Bosnian society and the state in 1992–1995. using only relevant theoretical and methodological postulates, to prove and show that the last genocide against Bosniaks in and around Srebrenica, July 1995, is not an individual and isolated case of genocidal oppression of Bosniaks, but, on the contrary, represents only a paradigmatic example, ie part continuous genocide, as a means of “national liberation movements” from the neighborhood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, carried out according to the Jacobin formula “one state-one (ethnic) community”. By analyzing the suffering of mother and child in the genocide against Bosniaks, we will open the question of the prevailing false narratives (historical, political, “cultural” and others) about national liberation movements from the position of the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as progressive civilizational achievements.

Planiranje i upotreba zabranjenih hemijsko-bioloških sredstava: slučaj sigurna zona UN-a Srebrenica i Bihać

Author(s): Mujo Begić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

During the preparations and aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Yugoslav People’s Army and the Serbian military and police forces planned and conducted special operations for the use of illicit chemical and biological agents in operations in the UN protected areas of Srebrenica and Bihać. In planning the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Yugoslav People’s Army implemented a special program called “BIO-131-S”, which also referred to Srebrenica and Žepa. In 1995, the Serbian Army of Krajina, planned and implemented a special operation “MACH-1” against the civilian population and units of the 5th Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina of the UN Protected zone of Bihać, in order to poison the population with contaminated food delivered to this area. Using all means, even prohibited means, the aggressor wanted to occupy the territories of these two UN protected zones in all possible ways.