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This paper addresses the ways of representation of antisocial behavior described in analytical documents (newsletters, reports, reviews, memos) of the Soviet State Security (GPU USSR) which were prepared to inform senior party and government leadership about the situation in the country. In particular, these documents contain information about the deviant, delinquent and criminal behavior of different social groups in terms of their rejection of the party-state policy. Individuals’ sentiments and actions are considered to be the varieties of antisocial behavior. The Secret Service documents contain information about the specific acts of negative behavior of certain social groups (workers, peasants) as well as of individual members of the public authorities. In a separate part are the reports containing the information about the antisocial actions by responsible and ordinary party members. The author attempts to analyze how the Secret Service determined the motivation of Soviet population antisocial behavior. The author comes to the conclusion that the information and analytical documents are valuable historical source for the study of different types of antisocial behavior in the period of new economic policy.
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Josip Broz TİTO’nun 1980’de ölümünden sonra, Yugoslavya içinde 20 yıl sürecek olan dağılma sürecinin başladığı tarihtir. Tito tarafından oluşturulan Sosyalist Federatif Yugoslavya Cumhuriyetleri içinde tırmanan etnik milliyetçilik, başta dini,siyasi ekonomik görüş ayrılıkları dağılma sürecinin kanlı bir biçimde tamamlanmasına neden olmuştur. Dağılma sürecinde ilk olarak Slovenya ve Hırvatistan Milletvekillerinin Belgrad’ta Yugoslavya Parlamentosunu protesto ederek terk ettiklerinde Yugoslavya’da tansiyonun birdaha düşürülemediği kanlı savaşların başladığının en büyük işaretiydi. Sırplar ise bütün bu gelişmelere rağmen Yugoslavya’nın tek varisi oldukların ve SFYC temsil ettiklerini idda etmekteydiler ve Yugoslavyanın bölünmesine asla izin vermeyeceklerinin federasyonu oluşturan herhangi Yugoslav devleti tarafından federasyondan ayrılma talebinde bulunulursa buna karşı gerekirse JNA-Yugoslavya Halk Ordusu tarafından müdahele edeceklerinin belirtiyorlardı. JNA-Yugoslavya Halk Ordusunun % 75 Sırp subay ve askerleri oluşturuyordu.Bu bakıma JNA Sırpların kontrolü içindeydi.20 yıl sürecek olan dağılma süreci içinde 1980-1999 Yugoslavya içinde gerçekleşen Slovenya, Hırvatistan, Bosna ve Hersek, Kosova Savaşlarında bizzat JNA-Yugoslavya Halk Ordusunun silahlarıyla donatılmış olan Sırplar girdikleri köy kasabaları yerlebir etmişlerdir.
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The persecution of the Polish society by German occupiers is the cause of both individual and institutional support actions. As part of the actions of the Polish Underground State, such an action is carried out by the Government of the Republic of Poland in exile, and in particular the Department of Labor and Social Welfare. The aid action are aimed at both repressed and threatened by reprisals, citizens of the Polish state, regardless of their religion and nationality. Due to the particularly brutal behavior of the Germans, directed directly at the destruction of the entire Jewish people, the authorities of the Polish State, together with many public and political organizations, held an organized action to help the Jews from the end of 1942. To this end, the Polish Council to Aid Jews ("Jegota") was established. Within his modest possibilities, the Council was making efforts to save as many Jews as possible.
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The partnership process is a prerequisite for management activities and processes in the social and educational sphere. A key role for success is the partnership between the institutions in social protection from domestic violence. The creation of a model of interaction at a regional level is the next stage in the process of partnership within the Local mechanism for the application of the Law on protection from domestic violence. It is necessary to improve the process of coordination and information exchange; to provide training for professionals; to strengthen cooperation between institutions in the implementation of measures for rehabilitation of perpetrators of domestic violence; to develop social infrastructure to support victims and perpetrators through new programs, development of competences, new (social) services.
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Life is too short to waste time, energy and stress in dragging the unresolved conflict – especially if it makes you suffer every day. Frequent clashes with violence in schools seem hopeless. Obviously, we can not approach in the same way, i.e. applying only disciplinary punishments and expect a different result. We need to use actual working instruments. Mediation is a powerful tool for resolving conflict situations in school. In school mediation that is also known as school intervention meetings are held in order to achieve mutually satisfying dispute resolution, supported by a neutral third party (mediator) in the cozy space of open dialogue and partnership. School mediation is an effective method for the so called “win-win” resolution of disputes, enabling both sides involved in the conflict to win and continue their relations, having mutual interest. It is possible to transform disputes by school mediation before they have occurred. It is also possible to transfer disagreements into creative energy. The article presents various conflict situations, real for Bulgarian school, and a way that they can be resolved by the teachers-mediators.
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The article highlights various approaches and mechanisms of abolitionist movement and its influence over civil society in New England during 1830s – 1840s. Such type of study is important for bygone events, their explanation, and interpretation for placing them in the modern world. Different types of interpretation provide an opportunity for reflection on the construction of a modern civil society in New England. Research on this issue is undoubtedly a reflection on historical recursion providing an updated look at the events.
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The aim of this text is to trace the importance of the football stadium for the football fans and the characteristic ritual behavior they use as a way out of everyday life.
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The paper presents data from interviews conducted in 2006–2007 with four repre- sentatives of the Prague street art and graffiti scene who worked in the Czech capital city at the beginning of the 2000s. Part of the article deals with creative activities in the Prague subway where most of the interviewed authors created their works. The author thus offers the perspective of the authors of the Prague street art and graffiti scenes and presents their view of the (il)legal works of art from around ten years ago in the context of the current discourse in social sciences. Over the last twenty years, this discourse has evolved to such an extent that it now enables to see the phenome- non of urban public works of art as a phenomenon full of paradoxes. Graffiti and street art therefore cannot be interpreted only from the point of view of legality or the art of resistance. Their definition must remain sufficiently open, since certain ambivalence, contradiction and ghostliness are characteristic of it equally as of life in a modern global city that is inherently tied to it.
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Review of: Stop Genocide and Holocaust Denial; Conference Proceedings, IV International Conference, Sarajevo, 20 And 21 June 2019, The Association of Victims and Witnesses of Genocide, The Association-Movement Mothers of Srebrenica and Žepa Enclaves, Sarajevo, 2020, 283 pages
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The issue of illegal migration has escalated into a critical concern for numerous nations, including Bulgaria. This article examines the consequences of illegal migration on Bulgaria’s national security, analyzing current data, policy measures, and socio-economic effects. The discussion highlights the diverse risks and threats associated with illegal migration and emphasizes the need for well-rounded strategies that address both security needs and humanitarian responsibilities. Illegal migration poses substantial risks to Bulgaria’s national security, affecting border integrity, economic stability, social cohesion, and international relations. A balanced approach that combines robust security measures with humanitarian responsibilities and international cooperation is essential for tackling these challenges. By implementing comprehensive strategies, Bulgaria can mitigate the threats posed by illegal migration while fulfilling its ethical and legal obligations.
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This paper seeks to improve understanding of the risks and types of sexualand gender-based violence faced by migrants, as well as ways of providing protection and assistance within the mixed migration context in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Center for Disease Control and Prevention states that over half of women and almost 1 in 3 men worldwide have experienced sexual violence involving physical contact during their life times. Even though the prevalence of sexual violence is high, its exact scope is unknown due to its vast underreporting. Sexual violence against people on the move is widespread. Regardless of age and gender, this population is highly vulnerable to becoming victims of sexual and gender-based violence during their journey toward the desired destination. How the proper activities aimed to prevent and treat the consequences of sexual and gender-based violence in the humanitarian context are set up in Bosnia and Herzegovina and what kind of services are provided to victims will be discussed within the paper. How important the role of humanitarian workers is, their understanding of sexual and gender-based violence, and their readiness to provide adequate care, recognize the types of sexual violence, and use all the benefits of the existing referral pathway properly will also be broadly explored.
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In the context of increasing migration and refugee flows, the integration of new advanced technologies into border security and their implications for human security requires considerable adjustment. AI-driven surveillance, biometric identification, and automated controls at the border have become part of strategic security measures. While these technologies seek to create “smart borders” for effective functionality, major concerns are raised for data privacy and civil liberties, and the potential for discriminatory practices against vulnerable populations. The analysis describes ethical and humanitarian dilemmas created by the technologization of border management concerning issues for access to international protection by asylum seekers under the 1951 Refugee Convention. It does so by drawing on comparative case studies from the member states of the European Union, illustrating how different geopolitical contexts shape the deployment and regulation of those technologies. This research calls for a balanced policy approach that incorporates the notion of border security with the principles of international human rights law, thereby advancing a framework that protects the dignity and rights of all individuals.
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The Russian Imperial Movement (RIM) is an ultra-nationalist and extremist organization that combines imperialist ideology with a rigid view of Russian Orthodoxy. The RIM's distinctive feature is the use of religious symbolism to legitimize both its political goals and violent actions, including involvement in armed conflict and acts of terrorism. The group is known for providing paramilitary training to far-right extremists in Europe, contributing to violent attacks such as the Sweden bombings.Although designated a terrorist organization by the United States, Canada, Australia, and the European Union, RIM continues to operate relatively freely in Russia, gaining influence through propaganda and recruitment activities. The movement advocates a vision of Russia as a pure Orthodox nation engaged in a sacred confrontation against what it perceives as decadent and demonic Western values.This article explores the dynamics between religion, nationalism, and political violence within RIM, showing how Orthodox symbolism is instrumentalized to support an extremist agenda. RIM is not only a political movement, but also an ideological force that combines religious radicalism with imperialist goals, generating significant global security risks through collaboration with other extremist groups and by disseminating its messages through social media.
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Social networks are important tools at the hands of political actors due to the direct connection with voters. Candidates and campaign teams can easily send messages to voters and can also see how they react to those messages and access the personal data available in each account. From the aggregation of this data through specific technical instruments, it is also possible to obtain segmented voting profiles. Campaign teams can thus adapt their communication flow to the expectations of the electorate and develop campaign strategies based on data. In the era of digital revolution, political actors' use of generative artificial intelligence through social media gives them the ability to create personalized messages, but also to accurately estimate their impact on individuals and groups. Different state and non-state entities can interfere with ongoing campaigns, influencing the electorate by favoring certain political actors and jeopardizing the democratic practices that should govern the electoral process.
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The paper examines the interaction between bombing urban areas in contemporary warfare and the competing discourses on human rights, considering the perspectives of international institutions, state actors, civil society, and victims. It explores not only the international legal frameworks governing armed conflict and human rights when urban space become the target of military operations, but also the ethical and humanitarian implications of bombardments in tightly inhabited areas, drawing attention to civilian victims, infrastructure destruction, displacement, and long-term collective trauma. It further investigates the need for a change to protect civilians more effectively in urban settings. Eager to contribute to ongoing legal, ethical, and policy debates on contemporary warfare and human rights, the paper leverages different methods to address the issue. It uses case study analysis, looking at recent examples of urban bombing campaigns to understand their impact on human rights. It also uses a multi-perspectival analysis of the competing discourse on the issue examining legal documents, government statements or reports by human rights organizations. Finally, the paper uses normative argumentation to advance a more cosmopolitan view on human rights on the international agenda.
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Football subcultures like those of ultras and hooligans are infamous for their proximity and welcoming attitudes towards far-right and right-wing extremist actors and ideologies in Eastern Europe. Romania makes no exception. While not all ultras or hooligans can be categorized as far-right or right-wing extremists, this article takes a close and in-depth look into the political expression, mentalities, and networks of the Romanian football subculture. Through research from the inside of the social-media channels, stadiums, and events set up by the groups analyzed in this paper, the author focuses on three main elements: political expression and opinions of Romanian ultras and hooligans, their networks in Europe, and the threat they pose to the democratic society through violence. The article concludes that taking the developments in the football subculture seriously means to understand the three mentioned elements as a dangerous synthesis that can become a threat, one that is overlooked or generally downplayed by the State authorities.
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Military and political realities in Europe indicate that urban warfare in cities of various sizes will take a much more important place in future military conflicts, and for the war in Ukraine this can be considered practically determined based on the lessons of the last year. The 2022 Met hodological Guidelines on the Specifics of Urban Warfare of the Russian Armed Forces have been used as the basis for this analysis. The purpose of the analysis is to identify the weaknesses and strengths of Russian formations in urban warfare and to determine some future trends.
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The article presents the importance of maritime transport for the world economy and the need to ensure the safety of ships and cargo during their passage by sea. An analysis has been made of the basic principles and norms that relate to piracy and attacks on ships at sea. The main part of normative documents and rules that relate to the security and safety of ships is presented. As a result, some specific points are indicated which are not covered by these documents and which limit the use of armed forces against pirate attacks.
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