Hakeri svih zemalja – ujedinite se!
The review of: Wark McKenzie, „A Hacker Manifesto“; Harvard University Press USA; 2004 Prikaz: Wark McKenzie, Hakerski manifest, Multimedijalni institut, Zagreb, 2006.
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The review of: Wark McKenzie, „A Hacker Manifesto“; Harvard University Press USA; 2004 Prikaz: Wark McKenzie, Hakerski manifest, Multimedijalni institut, Zagreb, 2006.
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This contribution discusses the pragmatic effects of different rhetoric strategies conveying evidence of past ingroup violence after a long lasting social denial (Cohen, 2001). In particular, a case study is presented on the making of a civic discourse on controversial historical past: war crimes committed by the Italian Army during the colonial invasion of Ethiopia (1935-36). Although very well proved (Del Boca, 2005), these facts were only recently inserted in Italian history textbooks (Leone & Mastrovito, 2010; Cajani, 2013). In this same period, evidence of these crimes was officially presented during discussions of the Italian Parliament. In spite of these recent acknowledgments of the Italian responsibilities for these crimes, a social myth is still widely shared by the public opinion, representing Italians as good fellows (Italiani, brava gente: cfr. Del Boca, 2005), unable to be cruel both in everyday life and in wartimes (Volpato et al., 2012). This specific situation, denying even the reality of facts happened, has been defined literal social denial, i.e. the deepest among the three possible states of denial (literal, interpretive, implicative: cfr. Cohen, 2001). The issue of literal social denial of past ingroup violence is at the intersection among theories on narratives on national past (László, 2003), social representations of history (Liu et al., 2014), conflict ethos (Bar-Tal et al., 2012; Kelman, 2008), group-based emotions (Allpress et al., 2010; Leone, 2000) and intergroup reconciliation processes (Nadler et al., 2008). Namely, understanding how a social denial could break down implies the theorization of human mind’s reflexivity as grounded on historical awareness (Ortega y Gasset, 1930), and the notion of social change as primarily rooted in natality, i.e. the fact that each birth represents a new beginning (Arendt, 1958). Drawing on this theoretical background, we will present an ongoing research program (Leone, in press) on the literal social denial (Cohen, 2001) of war crimes committed by the Italian army during colonial period and on the pragmatic effects of different kinds of communication on this controversial past. In order to address this issue, we will particularly focus on the concept of parrhesia as defined by Foucault (1983): the communicative choice of «frankness instead of persuasion, truth instead of falsehood or silence, [...] the moral duty instead of self-interest and moral apathy » (Foucault, 2001, p.19). Studies we conducted in this line tested the change in beliefs and the emotional reactions of young citizens confronted with mild or parrhesiastic descriptions of socially denied war crimes (Leone & Sarrica, 2014, 2012). Empirical evidence will be discussed in order to reflect on our core idea: that a parrhesiastic communication is a risky tough necessary pragmatic move to break long lasting denial of ingroup wrongdoings, to trigger critical civic discourse in the place of social myths and to start reconciliation processes.
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This article examines the recent global emergence of a rhetoric of disaster that connects violent events such as terrorist attacks and destructive accidents under an assumption of similarity based on their equally resulting in tragedy and mourning. I will compare discursive constructions of the terrorist attacks on 9/11, often considered the archetypal terrorist act of the new millennium, the Club Colectiv fire in Bucharest (October 30, 2015), followed by the “Colectiv Revolution” that led to a change of government in Romania, and the Bataclan terrorist attack in Paris (November 13, 2016). In a dialogue with Noemi Marin's concept of rhetorical space, I argue that, within the horizon of expectation created by 9/11, Bataclan and Colectiv have given rise to a specific rhetoric of mourning and revolt in reaction to disaster, which has an important public dimension, but, through a strong emotional appeal, is directed at every member of the audience in a personal way.
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The Arab Spring is a social movement triggered by a complex set of social, political and economic factors. Despite the initial success of the Arab Spring in ousting some of the bureaucratic-authoritarian status-quo oriented regimes, mass mobilization of people could not oust all dictatorships and introduce meaningful reforms toward more democratization in the region. Worse, the mass protests that started as part of the Arab Spring later deteriorated into utter chaos and even civil war in some parts of the region. With the disappearance of state authority in those places, sub-state actors gained ground, challenging the stability and order that were once provided by authoritarian regimes through coercion. The IS’s sudden expansion has mainly resulted from large scale instability in Iraq and Syria and the disappearance of nation-state borders between the two states. The IS, which emerged as a sub-state actor, is currently in the process of becoming a proto state. Thus, this paper has two simultaneous research goals. The first is to establish the link between lack of institutionalization of the Arab Spring and its failure to bring about positive and meaningful political change in the region with the power vacuum created in the region and subsequent emergence of sub-state actors and groups like the Al- Qaeda in Iraq and the IS (Islamic State) in Iraq and Syria. The second is to study and evaluate the emergence and growth of the IS in conjunction with the deteriorating security situation in Iraq and Syria, and how the international involvement with the IS might have shaped the tactics and the course of action that the IS has taken since the IS captured the city of Mosul in June 2014, shocking the whole world. Assessment of the IS’s military, economic and political prospects will also be provided in the concluding section.
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The massacre of millions of Jewish people and others who had identities different from the German race during the Second World War created a scientific interest among political scientists in particular and in other social sciences in general. Many of the recent researches reveal that racism is still alive which has transformed itself to new dimension by creating new parameters and finding new enemies. The arson cases targeting Turkish minority in Germany, the uprisings in the French suburbs, the bomb attacks on an Islamic school and mosques in Netherland, the increasing racist attacks in Britain and in many other Western European countries and all discriminatory practices represent the new faces of racism. The main aim of this study is to examine the hostility toward foreigners in Western Europe which has become prevalent and increased its visibility on the debates of new-racism. In this context, the first chapter constitutes the theoretical framework which elaborates the concepts of race, racism and new-racism. The differences and similarities between classical and new racism are explained. In the second section, a causal explanation of recent events in Western Europe by the phenomenon of new-racism is scrutinized. The practices of new racism, both in social and legal realms are evaluated through examples in developed countries of Western Europe such as Denmark, Germany, Britain, France, Sweden, and the Netherlands. In the light of this debate, it is aimed to show how “foreigners” who are the subject of new-racism are excluded from all walks of life and how new-racism reproduces itself in daily life. In conclusion, this study emphasizes the importance and urgency of the need for taking necessary measures, and cautions against new-racist movements.
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Terrorism is one from the overall spectrum of global security threats. In this multiply connected modern world, terrorism has become one of the forms of struggle against the new colonizers, i.e. the negative consequences of globalization processes. The paper argues that it is wrong to consider only western democratic and developed countries as vulnerable to terrorist attacks, it is developing countries where terrorist attacks actually leave the long-term consequences. To eradicate terrorism means to remove its causes, the importance of which is discussed in this paper with an emphasis on the basic human rights of every individual. Terrorism is a result of political and social crisis, as well as an expression of dissatisfaction with the political, social, economic, religious and other trends. As a global phenomenon, it can be considered as one of side effects of globalization, the other side of the coin of globalization processes, in other words, a negative consequence of the spread of economic and political achievements of the developed West. Therefore, this phenomenon is both a global security threat, and a form of the antiglobalization action. The paper’s main goal is to explain, on a theoretical level, the modern concept of terrorism and its causes with a critical view of globalization processes.
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In this paper, we are interested in finding out how, and why, the interplay of poverty and violence – the park stereotypes – has problematised the motor park space, and consequently the culture that has evolved from that space. Of great concern to us are the origin and the operation of the park; the existence of these stereotypes, how, if ever, they relate and the implication of the interplay on the organization, operation and representation of the space vis-à-vis its relationship with the general public and government in Oyo State. Using Victor Turner’s concept of social drama, we hope to provide explanations for ruptured social relations on the park and answer why the public is so imbued with the stereotypes that they have refused to appreciate the internal mechanisms for resolving the ‘constant’ conflicts.
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Terrorism represents one of the most serious threats to the safety of modern society on both – global as well as national level and criminal offences with the elements of terrorism are prescribed by criminal legislation of individual states as well as in international documents of universal and regional character. In spite of numerous theoretical and legal definitions of the actual term “terrorism”, the specific difference between this crime and other politically motivated illegal acts cannot always be determined with certainty. The authors of this paper attempt to analyze terrorism from politicological and legal point of view having in mind the complexity of this phenomenon and its tight correlation with other criminal offences. The aim of politicological analysis is to determine what comprises differentia specifica between terrorism and other similar acts, whereas legal analysis is focused on the review of the most important international legal sources pertinet to the prevention, punishing and suppression and of terrorist acts on one hand and on legal consequences of terrorism and activities related to terrorism in accordance with current criminal law of the Republic of Serbia.
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The author deals with the regulation of money laundering in the legal instruments of the European Union and Council of Europe. He ranges money laundering in the group of international economic crime law as a branch or sphere of international criminal law. Although it is considered as a relatively new notion which has not been yet generally admitted as a branch of international criminal law, it could be nevertheless defined with regard to its subject in narrow and broader sense. Money laundering has been also extensively discussed by the United Nations, European Union and Council of Europe which adopted important legal acts. The European Union has adopted so far three directives concerning the prevention of money laundering. Money laundering was also considered the Council of Europe which has adopted so far two conventions related to money laundering. Legal acts of the European Union and Council of Europe which are presented in this paper regulate much precisely measures for prevention, detection, and prosecution of money laundering. It is important that the mentioned instruments require from the signatory states, for which they are legally binding, to regulate their national legislation in accordance with the definition of money laundering set up in these acts. It means that the regulation of money laundering in national laws should be very similar to the regulation in respective international instruments; this facilitates international cooperation which is particularly important for a successful prevention and prosecution of money laundering.
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The article based on the archival material kept in the National Archives in Pazin looks at the extent and the distribution of banditry and violence in Istria in the period between 1813 and 1825. The degradation of agriculture and the deterioration of the economy caused by fluctuations of climatic conditions, especially in the area of Rovinj and Pula favored the spread of banditry. The spread of the phenomena of banditry indicates that the population of Istria in the examined period, except with altered climatic conditions, degradation of agriculture and degradation of the economy have to deal with the growing problem of proliferation of banditry. These were difficult times that followed the Napoleonic wars and in Istria circled a large number of deserters, murderers and thugs, either individually or in groups. The istrian example points to the fact that due to the general poverty and misery theft resorted peasants, beggars and vagabonds, as men, women and minors. Due to the difficult economic situation the target of theft were often products on fields and small cattle. As in Istria was not established effective authority, robbers and bullies usually would not be caught and would continue to disturb the peaceful course of life on the peninsula.
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This part of the text will be finished with the following commentary: in the background of this phenomenon i.e. under its “surface” and in opposition to it, are hidden stormy social and political currents, drastic turning points in them, different traditions, religious reasons, different cultures,...Those who undertake terrorist acts tend to shape the world in their own mold, to overstep the existing system, they want to change the “code of history”. They do not have fixed limits in violence. Above all, they do not have limits in killing innocent people. Killing of the innocent is an important dimension of their distorted being. It is only a normal form of life for them. Unfortunatelly, by mutual stimulation of the unimagined technical development and progress of civilization, and by its mutual elimination at the same time, in a wide range of its rises and falls, this utterly deviant form of human behaviour, with all its features, undergoes a true explosion. Truly, it is hard to measure the real dimension of this problem. However, one fact dominates all others as an inevitable conclusion: Terrorism is, as we have already pointed out, a phenomenon which affects all countries in the world. Because of that, they must realize that the fight against terrorism is their mutual priority. The process of stabilization and coordination can defeat the greatest evil of modern age. In fact, the development of an all-encompassing antiterrorist strategy, with maximum effort on national level (by supporting this objective by legislative framework in accordance with international standards) can produce tangible results. After all, in the last few years, the international community moves in that direction.
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The aim of the paper is discussion over methodological and ethical conditions of research carried out in hostile environment. The problem of high importance is understanding people in culturally different country where researcher faces huge problems in using his/her mental capacities including past experiences. There is also discussed problem of relations created with interviewees and ethics that in many situations is contradictory toward effectiveness in data collection.
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Until the eighties years of the last century, the French criminal law in any way suggested on the concept of terrorism. This situation is completely overcome 1994. by the adoption of the Criminal Code, which devotes an entire chapter to terrorism, and terrorism itself define as a criminal offense. What more, with the criminal act of terrorism (Terrorism classic), a standardized and several mutually complementary incrimination, which in their totality virtually no residue "covering" terrorist crime: ecological terrorism, criminal conspiracy for terrorist purposes, the financing of terrorist enterprise, and failing to report terrorist acts or attack on the fundamental interests of the nation. Anti-terrorist criminal law since it complemented the different procedural provisions, among which the most important is the novella of the Code of Criminal Procedure since 2001. year. In parallel, in the last quarter-century have been carried out and the key reforms in the field of anti-terrorist organization fighting in France. The result of these reforms are a number of institutions, bodies and agencies responsible for preventing and combating terrorism, both at the political and administrative, and operational levels.
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Laws of many European countries pose a very wide scope of provisions aimed at curbing the occurrence of spectator violence at their sports stadiums and facilities. All of those laws were drafted and enacted to satisfy the exigencies of the Council of Europe Convention on Spectator Violence. The most important rules prescribed by that Convention were presented and analysed within this text. The importance of the European Convention on Spectator Violence and Misbehavior at Sports Event and in Particular at Football Matches was clearly explained and clarified. The conclusion was drawn that national legislation regulating fight against spectator violence is complex and differs from country to country. Within this article laws regulating fight against that sociological problem in England, Italy, Poland, Czech Republic, Sweden, Switzerland and Croatia were analysed and presented. The legislators of the above listed European countries have simply reacted to the needs and demands of their particular socio-cultural situation and their situation has been compared with the situation existing in Serbia in past eight years.
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The Polish Socialist Party (PPS) had a long and strong tradition of paramilitary activity since 1904. Socialist armed formations – the Fighting Emergency Squad and the Peoples’Militia – were very active during the struggle for Independence and – afterwards – frontiers of the Second Republic of Poland 1917–21. In later period militia of the PPS fough tboth against rightists (especially in Józef Piłsudski’s coup d’état in 1926) and communists.The Warsaw branch of militia gradually became independent from the Party’s leadership and engaged in criminal activity. Finally militiamen split up and created so-called Former Revolutionary Fraction of PPS in 1928.
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Alcohol abuse causes many negative effects. These often include the loosening of social and professional ties. Alcohol abuse is considered to be one of the risk factors which contributes to criminal actions. By influencing behavioural problems, it potentiates aggression, undermines self-control and contributes to organic changes which result in personality disorders. The study advances a hypothesis that the pathologies which occur in a particular family, especially alcohol abuse, can significantly influence the formation of the personality of a future murderer. These studies have been based on the psychological and psychiatric opinions which are among the records of the District Court in Krosno in cases involving offences under Article 148 and Article 13 § 1 in relation to Article 148 of the Polish Criminal Code (1999–2014). As a result of the study carried out, the hypothesis that most of the murderers belonged to the families which were affected by alcohol abuse has been confirmed. Furthermore, it has been also found that those who abuse alcohol are more prone to become murderers, or victims of murders.
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The article discusses the phenomenon of the “Black badman” in the context of Quentin Tarantino’s film Django Unchained. A brief outline of the history of Black folktales provides the parameters for the rise of violent tales and tales of violent men, such as Railroad Bill or Stagolee. As an outlaw, Django represents a counterimage to the threat of Black violence that was used to justify not only the racist brutality of lynching, but also the establishment of law enforcement agencies in the American South. By alluding to the legend of Bras Coupé, Tarantino provides a historic lineage for Django, while his use of the “blaxploitation” aesthetic highlights the viability of the Black badman figure for a contemporary America. As a badman, Django is not simply a personification of resistance to White racial domination, but a veritable superhero for a future that one might be tempted to call “post-racial.”The article discusses the phenomenon of the “Black badman” in the context of Quentin Tarantino’s film Django Unchained. A brief outline of the history of Black folktales provides the parameters for the rise of violent tales and tales of violent men, such as Railroad Bill or Stagolee. As an outlaw, Django represents a counter image to the threat of Black violence that was used to justify not only the racist brutality of lynching, but also the establishment of law enforcement agencies in the American South. By alluding to the legend of Bras Coupé, Tarantino provides a historic lineage for Django, while his use of the “blaxploitation” aesthetic highlights the viability of the Black badman figure for a contemporary America. As a badman, Django is not simply a personification of resistance to White racial domination, but a veritable superhero for a future that one might be tempted to call “post-racial.”
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Hendrykowski Marek, Gorzkie kino. O Okupacji w 26 obrazach Lordana Zafranovicia (Bitter Cinema. On Occupation in 26 Pictures by Lordan Zafranović). “Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne” 12. Poznań 2017. Publishing House of the Poznań Society for the Advancement of the Arts and Sciences, pp. 319–329. ISSN 2084-3011. Analysis and interpretation of the film fresque made by Croatian director Lordan Zafranović (1978), a masterpiece of European art cinema of 70s. Marek Hendrykowski’s study describes relationship between poetics of experience and aesthetics of shock. It also expresses the importance of mythical perspective (Babel Tower) and its meaning as the factor of common consciousness in keeping memory of the past in art and life of contemporary societies.
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In this paper, author offers a unique perspective on the role o f administrative evil in modern society, identifying moral inversion in the context of genocide denial. The text covers recent events and news surrounding Srebrenica genocide resolutions and the role that Serbian and Bosnian Serb politicians play in the coordinated and financially backed efforts to discredit the well documented facts about genocide and atrocities committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author concludes that the reconciliation can only be achieved through a genuine and concerted attempt to recognize the evils committed on behalf and in the name o f all sides and that a minimum, reconciliation must not lend its hand to the moral inversion and the realities o f the genocide denial on the ground.
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The aim of this paper was to carry out a socio-pedagogical analysis of peer violence, the quality of high school students’ family and school life, and to examine the relationship between peer violence and the quality of family and school life among high school students. The research was conducted employing a method of theoretical analysis and a descriptive-analytical survey method. Furthermore, scaling and survey techniques were applied. The research instruments included a Peer Violence Questionnaire, a Perception of Family Relations Scale and a Quality of Life in School Questionnaire. The research sample comprised 300 high school students, namely the first, second and third graders. The research results showed that there is a statistically significant relationship between peer violence and the quality of family and school life, i.e. the high school students who report a higher level of peer violence at the same time obtain lower scores on the scales of family and school life. Moreover, the results indicate that high school students experiencing a higher quality of family relations and a higher quality of school life are statistically significantly less likely to be victims and perpetrators of peer violence.
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