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This paper analyses Georgian national identity from the position of liberal and constructivistapproaches to international relations theory. Based on this theoretical framework, the aim ofthis text is to contribute to our understanding of how the European vector of Georgian national identity is constructed and how it impacts upon the pro-Western discourse of Georgian foreign policy. The research was conducted through an analysis of the academic literature supplemented by public opinion surveys in Georgia and the interviews with a Georgian academics and members of civil society, carried out in June and July 2015.
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Globalisation is the notion that has no single, universal definition. Although every theoretician has a different perception and definition of it, there is no doubt concerning the fact that the process of the global economy internationalisation initiated already during the times of great geographic discoveries leads to deepening the relations across the national borders all over the world as concerns economic, social and technological relations. The integration understood in that way, as well as the ease of crossing the borders involved in it, leads to the questions concerning the national identity, sovereignty and feeling of belonging. In extreme cases, it may be the reason for aversion to citizens of other countries. The assume objective of the paper is to highlight the issue of national identity in the process of progressing globalisation and integration of countries and societies in the global scale as well as the analysis of contemporary values and customs at the background of progressing integration and melting of nationalities. For that purpose, questionnaire based survey covering 210 respondents (divided into three groups – high school students, students of tertiary schools and people over 50 years of age) living in Warmińsko‑Mazurskie voivodship was conducted. The studies on the attitude of the Poles to other nationalities were complemented by the results of the survey by the Public Opinion Research Centre presented in the work “Attitudes of the Poles towards other nations”.
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The aim of the paper is to present the potential contribution of using Critical Discursive Psychology to study national identity and immigration. It draws upon a study on Greek national identity negotiations in relation to immigration. The study was guided by the perspective of banal nationalism which treats national identity as a form of life in a world divided into nation-states (Billig, 1995). In terms of Greek national identity and immigration, the study drew similarities between the perspective of banal nationalism and the critique of methodological nationalism (Wimmer and Schiller, 2002).
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The following article is an attempt at presenting reception of Edward Bellamy, one of the most popular nineteenth-century American authors. Special attention was paid to his bestseller Looking Backward 2000–1887, which achieved, in a very short period of time, sales level over one million copies (only in the U.S.). It was the third-largest bestseller of its time, after Uncle Tom’s Cabin and Ben-Hur: A Tale of the Christ. This utopian science-fiction novel influenced a large number of Americans and was one of the few books ever published that created almost immediately on its appearance a political mass movement known as “Nationalist Clubs”. These Clubs were an organized network of socialist political groups which emerged in an effort to make real the socialist and nationalist ideas. Bellamy’s novel was also extraordinary popular outside the U.S. including in Poland. It has been translated into about 30 languages and published in more than 40 countries.
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This letter concerns itself with how transnational scholarship might orient itself to unfinished business: specifically, the theorisation of deepening vulnerabilities and persisting inequalities faced by con-temporary transnational migrants. I begin by identifying five inter-locking dimensions of vulnerability: norms about remitting and re-turning; cumulative causation and context of arrival; social relations; civic participation; new racialisations. The paper argues that these vulnerabilities signal a crisis of membership, and goes on to identify how hybridity and what we understand by national community must remain central to strategies that ameliorate vulnerability.
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This paper discusses the reproduction of Palestinian nationalism among exiled Palestinians in Syria. Through a description of micro-level processes by which nationalism is reproduced, it is shown how important conflict and political struggles are in the formation of national identity and the directions it takes; also among immigrants who do not themselves live in the midst of the conflict. The paper argues that children should not be neglected in studies of nationalism. Memories of conflict and forced migration are found important in socialising the children, who are considered important co-actors in the process of preserving Palestinian nationalism in exile.
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This interview with Professor Craig Calhoun expands on issues of nationalism and cosmopolitanism in relation to the question of statelessness. Since the 1990s, Calhoun has worked on nationalism, ethnicity and cosmopolitanism. For Calhoun, nations still matter despite post-national and cosmopolitan elaboration and repudiation of so-called parochial and provincialised identities like nation or national identity and citizenship. In this interview, Calhoun dis-cusses the material, political and cultural situations of the Kurds in the Middle East and the role of Kurdish nationalism in the context of statelessness. Calhoun finds class-based understanding of inequalities between the Kurds and their dominant others in the Middle East as problematic and incomplete since the cultural, political and material inequalities are intimately interlinked in rendering the Kurds to a subordinated position in the states they inhabit. The interview also engages with diasporic identities and examines how countries of residence can impinge on the identity formation of diasporas and how they obstruct or facilitate migrants translating their citizenship status into the right to have rights (Arendt). An important issue that Calhoun discusses is that there are both asymmetrical power relations between dominated (Kurdish) and dominating nationalisms (Turkish, Iraqi, Iranian and Syrian) and within the same nationalisms.
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Within international law, the concept of self-determination has evolved over the years so as toreveal an external dimension, often associated with secession, and an internal dimension, entailingparticipatory democracy, minority protection in the context of pluralist co-existence withinthe territories of a state. An examination of the interpretation of self-determination by the ConstitutionalCourt in Turkey shows, however, that the Court has statically endorsed the former,conservative viewpoint, which reinforces Turkey’s militantly nationalist, democracy. This articleexplains the development of the right of self-determination in international law and examinesthe Turkish Constitutional Court’s case law in that light. In a study of the case law on partyclosures in Turkey, it evaluates the extent to which the Constitutional Court’s archaic and antidemocraticinterpretation has created a legality undermining the ethno-cultural and politicaldemands for the rights of Kurds in Turkey
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This paper discusses women’s activism in Kurdistan- Iraq since 1992. It aims to find out whether 21 years of struggle against gender discrimination has led to notable changes in the status quo. It concludes by arguing that as a result of the patriarchal system’s resilience and the women’s movement’s internal shortcomings, achievements have been limited. The paper draws on 7 in-depth interviews with women activists, written sources, personal communications and my observations while participating in activities organised by women’s groups.
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This study is a comparative analysis of the role of diaspora communities in the political and cultural activities of the Kurds and the Berbers (Amazigh) - the two most prominent cases of ethno-national “imagining” among the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region’s two main “non-dominant” ethnic groups. Berbers and Kurds, however heterogeneous and varied their multiple historical experiences, all operate within the realm of territorial nation-states dominated by different ethnic groups which have been historically hostile towards alternative conceptions of the political and social order. Kurdish and Berber diaspora communities have engaged in important intellectual, cultural and political activities on behalf of their respective causes. Inevitably, this has also sharpened the hybrid nature of their identities, in ways which distinguish them from those still residing in the “homeland.” Overall, the Kurdish diaspora is far more mobilised on behalf of the homeland, politically and ethnically, than the Amazigh, a reflection of the advanced state of the Kurdish ethno-national cause.
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The article deals with Stepan Rudanskiy’s mastery of modeling non-verbal means, which are widely spread in the poet’s songs. The means of verbalizing the non-verbal in the artistic discourse serve the realization of a set of pragmatic functions: the representation of the Ukrainians’ national character specificity, for example, cordocentricity, high emotivity and expressiveness, a desire to make the speech more dynamic and live, more intimate.
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The article is devoted to investigating the artistic embodiment of the Cossack character phenomenon in the novel Pogonya by Mushketyk. The typological comparison of the Cossack character image in the novel by Mushketyk is shown on the basis of other literary works.
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Names of people are of a great importance for linguistics and folklore studies as well as for maintaining national identity. A name can be considered as a symbol of social and individual existance of human. In Turkish culture, naming a child is as important as becoming a parent. Because of this, once it was thought that a person who had a specific name had to show appropriate characteristics according to the name. In this study, we have dealt with the Turkish individual names in Mamuşa Municipality in Kosovo which is striving to preserve its identity and names in Balkans in general. As a result of the names inquiry in Mamuşa we reached the following conclusions: naming tradition shows great similarities with Turkish world; given that names mostly come from religious, national and lineage areas showing differences according to different periods and that the Turkish identity and the Turkish appellation are being preserved through names in this area.
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Bosniak’s oral epic was once named Cinderella of South-Slavic oral tradition by Alois Schmaus; he then saw it as the last in the line, least wanted and detested in its own surrounding, but desired and sought after outside it. Perhaps this metaphor could be appropriately extended to the sphere of identity as well, for Bosniaks as a nation in the process of national identification come last in the line with same or similar relation towards their closer and wider surrounding, though many will say that this process for them is still ongoing. And that is not coincidental, for it is well known that the oral epical tradition was (and in case of Bosniaks still is) the key element in that process, owing to the role assigned to it by German romantics.
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Demografska problematika postaje, sa svakim novim pokazateljem koji uslijedi, pitanje opstanka hrvatskoga naroda u doglednoj budućnosti, bez obzira iznesu li službene državne statistike podatke za Hrvatsku, Bosnu i Hercegovinu ili susjedne zemlje u kojima su Hrvati manjinski narod. Depopulacija, prirodni pad, negativna migracijska bilanca, izrazito duboka starost ukupne populacije i izumiranje, osnovna su demografska obilježja, a negativni su trendovi neumoljivi i bez ozbiljnije mogućnosti zaustavljanja, dok je promjena njihova smjera kratkoročno, bez ozbiljnije revitalizacijske koncepcije, gotovo nemoguća. Znali smo to i prije, često upozoravali, pisali radove, držali predavanja, podizali glas…ali se on nije čuo ili nije želio čuti u političkoj svakodnevnici opterećenoj, kako se uvijek objašnjavalo „važnijim problemima”. Nema važnijih problema od demografskih ili izravnije od demografskog opstanka hrvatskog naroda – ma gdje on obitavao.
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Tekst stanowi fragment doktoratu Michaela Hardta Sztuka organizacji: źródła ontologii politycznej u Gilles’a Deleuze’a i Antonio Negriego. Autor analizuje w nim dialog, jaki Antonio Negri podejmuje z pismami Włodzimierza Lenina w okresie intensywnych walk społecznych i przekształceń składu klasowego we Włoszech w latach 1968-1973. Doszukując się w tym spotkaniu kluczowego zwrotu teoretycznego w myśli włoskiego marksisty, Hardt przekonuje, że to właśnie w tekstach rosyjskiego rewolucjonisty Negri odnalazł narzędzia pozwalające mu wyjść poza ograniczenia krytycznego marksizmu, uznającego klasę robotniczą przede wszystkim za obiekt wyzysku, przez uczynienie kwestii jej podmiotowości centralnym zagadnieniem i punktem wyjścia teorii.
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This article discusses the historical changes in religious practices in Bosnia-Herzegovina from the communist era to the post-war period in line with their influence on identity and intergroup (inter-ethnic, inter-religious) relations. There is a lack of evidence on whether people did not overtly express their religious beliefs during communism even though they were covertly religious, or whether they started engaging in the religious practice during and after the 1992-1995 war in order to establish group connectedness, cohesion, and fulfill certain needs. “Bosnian identity” will be described as a puzzle formed by the “remains” of the previous regime and the “new additions” of the post-war period. The discourse of power dominates in Bosnia-Herzegovina and enables prohibitions of different types of dialogue that can lead to better understanding of differences and Other(s). The main problem that will be addressed in this article is the (non)existing Bosnian identity analyzed through “jouissance” of nationalism, intolerance and religion. The contradictions of Sigmund Freud’s concept of identification, and the relation of that concept to the body and power in a post-war divided society will be discussed. We can conclude that the main discourse of power operates with religion in order to establish the “jigsaw puzzle of Bosnian identity”. The presence of those who either live in a different system (yugonostalgic people, Homo Yugoslavicus), or those who do not believe (atheists) simply adds a new dimension to the currently established system which can be used to further explain if the overtly expressed beliefs will remain unchanged in case of the establishment of a new system.
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