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This essay analyses how national ideologies use the basic opposition of modernity, i.e., the opposition between nature and culture. I will discuss two main modes of usage: the tragic and idyllic. The aim of the paper is to shed light on their structural dimensions and their complex double bind, which exemplifi es the structural nexus of modernity.
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The book „On Cosmopolitanism – theoretical debates” critically examines classical and contemporary theories of cosmopolitanism. The book has three chapters: History of the concept, The idea of a world community and New cosmopolitanism. The author advocates the founding of the Sociology of Cosmopolitanism.
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How much does European citizenship cost in the EU? This was the question that has raised so much controversy over the Maltese citizenship-for-sale programme. The outright selling of Maltese nationality to rich foreigners led to unprecedented responses by the European Parliament and European Commission. This paper examines theaffair and its relevance for current and future configurations of citizenship of the EU. It studies the extent to which member states are still free to lay down the grounds for the acquisition and loss of nationality without any EU supervision and accountability. It provides a comparative overview of member state schemes and the exact pricefor buying citizenship and a residency permit in the EU. It is argued that the EU’s intervention on the Maltese citizenship-for-sale affair constitutes a legal precedent for assessing the lawfulness of passport-for-sale or golden migration programmes in other EU member states. The affair has also revealed the increasing relevance of a set of European and international legal principles limiting member states’ discretion over citizenship matters and providing a supranational constellation of accountability venues scrutinising the impact of their decisions overcitizenship of the Union.
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Has the Dayton Peace Agreement brought about a fair and democratic system of power distribution so longed for in Bosnia and Herzegovina? What has the international community done to merge the ‚national‘ and ‚democratic‘ into vital interests of the state of B&H? How important for the building of national identity is the fact that one fraction of BH citizens actually feels greater belonging to bordering states? By looking into the development of national identity through the prism of state symbols, language, culture, literature and other cultural heritage, the lecturer tries to answer how ready all three peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina are, to take part in building a unified state. Themes covered in documentaries „Most“ (1998) and „Mostar Sevdah Reunion“ (2000), were used as the basis for this lecture. The lecturer tried to explain the meaning of ‚national‘ and ‚democratic‘ in the example of Mostar, but also how to transcend to a higher level the symbolic of Sevdah and the Old Bridge as an important part of national cultural heritage to make them a part of the national identity building process.
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Čovjekov život je kao autostrada – dojam je, gotovo nepregledan, s usponima i padovima, krivinama, ponekad i promjenama smjera. I traži da se s vremena na vrijeme zastane, okrene, pogleda unatrag. Da se, ako ništa, barem pokuša napraviti inventura – koliko se prešlo, kako, jesu li pravljena nepotrebna usporavanja, čak i zastoji? I je li zbog svih njih jedan životni hod manje impresivan i manje uspješan no što je mogao biti?
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Review of: Ivan Cvitković „Sociološki pogledi na naciju i religiju II“.
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O Midhatu Begiću pisano je za ovdašnje književnoznanstvene uslove jako mnogo, a nijedan drugi akademski kritičar nije dobio toliko intrepretativne pažnje u akademskoj zajednici obilježenoj malom kritičkom produkcijom.
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U svom radu autorica prikazuje stajališta srpskih političara u Bosni i Hercegovini, posebno u Sarajevu, prema politici podjele Bosne i Hercegovine koju je vladajuća Radikalna stranka vodila u periodu 1938-39. godine i prema dodjeljivanju velikog dijela te zemlje Banovini Hrvatskoj. Taj stav je bio negativan i autorica ukazuje na argumente i ličnosti koji su tom prilikom bili lansirani iz redova sarajevskih radikala.
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The changes that have marked the world in the past two years indicate the establishment of new geopolitical relations and a new paradigm. It is about strengthening the ideological and political practice based on the principles of nationalism and territory. This can have significant consequences on the security situation in the world and in Europe. It may particularly expose places such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is dominated by the politics of nationalism, generating ethnic hatred and division.
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The Partisan War Autonomy of Sandzak, as a multinational province inhabited by Serbs, Montenegrins and Muslims, functioned between the First and Second Sessions of the National Anti-Fascist Council of Sandzak (ZAVNOS), that is, from 20 November 1943 to March 29, 1945. It made a significant contribution to the faster development of the anti-fascist National Liberation Movement (NOP) in this area. It has contributed to the suppression of inter-ethnic conflicts, the popularization of the anti-fascist movement, the establishment and functioning of organs of the public authorities, the mobilization of people in the partisan units, etc. It was created as part of the realization of the party conception of the Yugoslav war federalism, which resulted in the establishment of five national states (Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Montenegro, Macedonia) and the sixth Bosnia and Herzegovina as multinational states (Serbs, Muslims and Croats), and in the status of federal units the new Yugoslavia. The reasons for the liquidation of Sandzak’s war autonomy at the end of the war have not been adequately investigated historiographically. What is the reason for this is indicated in the official positions of the NOP institutions, called political, economic and ethnic reasons, the need to prevent the “fragmentation” of Serbia and Montenegro, and that Muslims can exercise their national rights freely within them ZAVNOS has never asked for the special position of Sandzak, etc., apparently they were not, nor should they have been, arguments in favor of the abolition of autonomy and the division of Sandzak. These are publicly silent invisible reasons. It is about changing the attitude towards the ethnicity of Muslims in the leadership of the NOP, which they did not consider as a nation, but an ethnic group (a nation in formation), which as such can not be a constituent element of the federation. It turned out that at the time of the establishment of the ZAVNOS and ZAVNOBiH, in which the Muslims were one of the three nations, only the declarative acceptance of the ethnicity of the Muslims was present. The essential consequence of changing this relationship is not only the abolition of the autonomy of Sandzak, but also its division by the border line from 1913 between Montenegro and Serbia. The fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina retained the status of a federal unit, despite denying the nationality of Muslims as one of its three peoples, is conditioned by numerous other irrefutable arguments. It was thought that Muslims would assimilate into Serbs, Croats and Montenegrins, and thus disappear as a nation, and these efforts are recognizable in years, even decades after the war, which, however, did not happen. By acknowledging the ethnicity of the Muslims twenty years later, the KPJ practically acknowledged all its misconceptions and inconsistencies on the proper solution of the national question. However, the collapsed war autonomy of Sandzak and the repatriation of Muslims to the national minority level had long and varied negative consequences, not only for Muslims, but also for Sandzak and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as for socialist Yugoslavia as a whole.
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The paper deals with the problem of representation of historical events in the play by V. Klimáček. We analyse the reflection of World War II and Slovak State in the play from the perspective of theories of cultural and collective memory. We are interested in the way in which the image of the historical event is formed by a narrative, which elaborates a problematic fragment of the history. We pay attention to perspective from which the reality is being shown, supposing that every analysis forms a specific monument, which subsequently has influence on forming of narrative (national) identity. We analyse the structural elements of the play, which allows showing events from different perspectives and requires an interpretation by a recipient (reader or spectator). At the same time we compare the dramatic text by V. Klimáček and the staging by R. Ballek, analysing means used to produce eventual meaning.
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Problema pe care aș dori să o discut în această lucrare este în ce măsură suferă țările Europei Răsăritene de naționalism și dacă acesta ar putea submina crearea unei mai mari familii europene. Ar putea naționalismul face proiectul unificării europene mai dificil decât este el deja? Mă bucur să spun de pe acum că lucrarea se încheie într-o notă optimistă. Mai întâi, însă, se cer făcute câteva distincții clare.
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The functions of TV were accomplished by researchers for decades, from the beginning of its communicational resources. From the beginning, its importance in the society kept the attention of the sociologists and experts in communications. As opposed to commercial televisions, public televisions have a special situation because their establishment is supported by taxes paid by the citizens; their legal obligation (prescribed and controlled by the law) is to give valid and high-fidelity information to all taxpayers. According to this definition, public TV broadcasted on ethnic minority regions like Szeklerland must meet the expectations of licence holders, too, from this region. In my dissertation, I compare the communication features of the Romanian TV News to the Hungarian Transmission News broadcasted through Duna TV and RTV.
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19.1. The political imaginary of Croatian national history 19.2. On the history of Bosniak mythology 19.3. The Sarajevo Paradoxon
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1912 yılında Muğla’da doğan Hamza Sadi Özbek İlk ve Orta Okulu Muğla’da ve Liseyi de İzmir’de tamamladıktan sonra Ankara Maliye Okulu’na girmiştir. Buradan mezun olduktan sonra Aydın’da Tahsisat Müdürlüğünde memuriyet görevine başlayan Hamza Sadi Özbek bu görevde iken Türk milliyetçiliği üzerine yaptığı faaliyetlerden dolayı 1944 yılında” Irkçılık ve Turancılık Davası” ndan dolayı tutuklanıp İstanbul’da yargılanmış ve ceza almıştır. 1947 yılında Milaslı Halide Hanım ile evlenip bu evlilikten 3 çocuk sahibi olan Hamza Sadi Özbek 1950 yılından itibaren Muğla’da Maden İrtibat Memuru olarak çalışmaya başlamıştır. 14 Mayıs 1950 seçimlerinde bağımsız Muğla Milletvekili adayı olan Hamza Sadi Özbek 1951 yılında da Muğla’da Türk Milliyetçiler Derneği’nin kurucuları arasında yer almıştır. 1965 yılında tekrar Adalet Partisi’nden Muğla Milletvekili aday adayı olan Hamza Sadi Özbek 1971 yılında Muğla’da vefat etmiştir. Diğer yandan daha lise yıllarında Türk milliyetçiliğine ilgi duymaya başlayan ve bu konuda şiirler yazan Hamza Sadi Özbek 1941 yılında Muğla’da yayınlanan Muğla’da Halk Gazetesi’nde Türkçülük adlı köşesinde altı tane, yine 1941 yılında aynı gazetede Vazife adlı köşesinde bir tane ve 1942-1943 yıllarında da yine aynı gazetede fikirler adlı köşesinde Türk milliyetçiliği üzerine yedi tane yazı yazmıştır. Bu yazıları ile Hamza Sadi Özbek Muğla’da Türk milliyetçiliğinin gelişmesine ve kökleşmesine öncülük eden bir fikir adamı olarak tarihteki yerini almıştır.
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For author Jens Brockmeier, a culture memory is forming by capturing of oral narrative within memory texts and practices which are not independent, but significantly intertwined with socio‐political narration or they are susceptible to such narratives. In such manner the memory narratives are created, which main texts carry main social, political and material settings of community of people who are remembering or forgetting, as well as people who are predicting, expecting or endure the outcomes of precarious cultural or political future. A picturesque example of agency of such memory narratives toward creation of culture memory is everyday consummation of new, wartimes, pro‐Serbian names of streets and settlements in Banja Luka. These new memory notes had been put in place between 1992 and 1996 when authorities have erased from memory the names of 15 settlements and around 250 or half of pre‐wartimes streets. Goal of this review paper is to present intensity and basic contextual directions of these violent changes, through discursive analysis of street names. To point out, how much indeed a culture memory in today’s' Banja Luka is built up on violent oblivion of non‐Serbian ethnic or religious, as well as of leftist and multhy‐ethnical memory narratives. As well as, on fulfilling the "memory gaps" with romantic and mythological historic and political constructs. By reading the new street names such as King Lazar Str. or Ravnogorska Str., people of today are placed in mnemonic relations toward prevailing and imposed cultural and political (re)interpretation of Banja Luka's past. It factitiously connects the value and cognitive horizons of past and presence, writes cultural memory of the city backward, and gives to the citizens a sense of belonging to the ceaseless and simulacrum chain of politically lucrative and ethnically desirable explications of historic events and conflicts. Such time‐space inversion in interpretation of historic events toward past is bizarre condition for the establishment of cultural and ideological justifications of Banja Luka's presence and for the setting of people's expectations into the future. Whereas a discursive meanings and memory narratives of street names such as Vahide Maglajlić Str. or Ferhatpaše Str. don't pass the filter of selected memory frame of "Serbian Banja Luka", so they are expelled from the chain of desirable explications, and therefore are not allowed to be placed in the mnemonic relation with average citizen of Banja Luka. This review paper with its empirics and approach wants to illuminate facts and to contribute to the answers on questions such: whether today's RS can even survive with such quantity and intensity of artificial memory narratives on which it's created and whether a new cultural remembrance which aim to reach a level of independent cultural memory of "Serbian Banja Luka" can be built up on massive and violent oblivion and distortion of narratives?
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Adolescence is the part of life which represents the bridge between childhood and adulthood and it is characterized with numerous physical and psychological changes which young person is going through. Forming of identity is one of the key goals of adolescence. But what if that stormy life period is faced with war terror and disaster, as well as post war insecurity and growing up in family where war wounds are deep and inerasable, how to make a peace between confronted drives and ambivalent feelings which young personality have, which are part of his/her surrounding too? The war, loss, death, destruction, transgenerational trauma transmission, hate, revenge, fear, opposite feelings of forgiveness, love, wish to establish relationship and contacts with others to achieve balance in themselves as well as with the surrounding where they live.
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During the Southern Dynasty of China, the belief that human physiology and temperament derived from innate nature and external influences persisted, leading to a close relationship between personal constitution and literary style. This study investigates the connection between Chinese traditional medicine and literature in the Southern Dynasty. The weakened health of the aristocratic families in the Jiangdong region became a backdrop to showcase their political talents and moral integrity, establishing that a weak physical constitution symbolized high literary excellence, as evidenced by the famous, flamboyant literary style of the time. In this context, physical health was intimately linked to literary creation and style, forming a dynamic cycle through mutual resonance. This research provides a new interdisciplinary perspective for studying classical Chinese literature and is significant for East Asian cultural studies.
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