Nacionalista politika a mindennapokban
Review of: Rogers Brubaker, Feischmidt Margit, Jon Fox & Liana Grancea: “Nacionalista politika és hétköznapi etnicitás egy erdélyi városban.”; L’Harmattan, 2011, Budapest. 518 p.
More...We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Review of: Rogers Brubaker, Feischmidt Margit, Jon Fox & Liana Grancea: “Nacionalista politika és hétköznapi etnicitás egy erdélyi városban.”; L’Harmattan, 2011, Budapest. 518 p.
More...
Review of: Rainer Bauböck & Thomas Faist [eds]: “Diaspora and Transnationalism. Concepts, Theories and Methods.”; Amsterdam University Press, 2010. p. 357. by: Nagy Terézia
More...
This is a comparative literature study of the aftermath of the Enlightenment and its impact on the current present, specifically in the context of Europe and the Balkans. The study includes an evolutionary analysis of the cultural, economic, political and nationalist effects of the Enlightenment and their reflections in modern world globalized society. At the same time, the study covers the agents of the Enlightenment on the Balkans and the consequences of their endeavors, as well as historic events and the emergence of nationalism in the 19th century as the reason for the change of the visionary mission of the leaders of the movement, evidenced by Michel Foucault’s famous statement: “I do not know whether we will ever reach mature adulthood. Many things in our experience convince us that the historical event of the Enlightenment did not make us mature adults, and we have not reached that stage yet”
More...
In April, 1806, nearly four hundred nobles met in a session of the Közép-Szolnok county assembly in Northern Transylvania. The speaker before them came from a prestigious family whose ancestors had addressed that body for two centuries. None of this was unusual. What was extraordinary was that the speaker was nine years old...
More...
There can be no doubt that the Hungarian Revolution of 1848 and the subsequent war of independence belong to the events that significantly contributed to the development of modern Hungarian historical consciousness. Decisive alternatives emerged during this critical period: national sovereignty versus development under foreign power, or the cultivation of friendly compromises reached through negotiations versus violent confrontations. The patterns of thinking associated with these choices also imposed their influence on the interpretations of other recent historic turning points such as the events of 1956. For a better understanding of what happened to Hungary during the years 1848 - 1849 we need to divide the events into three distinct but interconnected spheres.
More...
The right to nationality is embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) as one of the Human Rights granted to every human being. Although it was consequently included in several international documents, is considered to be still more like a directive of conduct for States than a legally admissible claim of an individual. By custom, it is the right of each State to determine who its nationals are. The source of that ambiguity could be found in controversies arising from the dual nature of nationality, as a legal bond between a State and an individual, recognized both in public international law and domestic law of every State.
More...
Questions about the place and role of national communities in the emerging architecture of our world seem to be very significant and fateful. Contemporary European perspective prompts analysis of the social conditions, broadly understood, of the emergence of nations in the nineteenth century and also encourages the shedding of light on the causes and results of the manifestation of this process in the form of national movements. In the past two centuries, the rising modern nations experienced an explicit dynamism due to the processes which had been occurring in European communities under the influence of the bourgeois-democratic revolution and of the industrial revolution which had originated earlier in England. Those events launched a series of modernization processes, which led to the dynamic transformations of social relations in Europe. The old feudal order was crushed – the order which was based on monarchy in the political sphere – and it gave place to the new order, in which the state of a nation came to the fore. The idea of “nation”, grasped as a postulate of the separate establishment of a nation’s being, obtained the right to existence. The analysis undertaken in the present work aims to answer the question of how this process happened. The structure of this argument organizes references to the typological comprehension of the processes of national emancipation, that is, of the Western European model, which emphasizes the institution of a state, and of the Central and Eastern European model, which underlines the significance of language and culture in the emergence of a nation.
More...
Homeland is the area of human vocation and moral responsibility. It is a gift and also a moral mission. Everyone is called to this, with all the zeal and determination to care for the good of the homeland and all her needs. But watching today's reality, it is easy to see that the new generation Poles in the context of increasing spiritual dispossession and lack of sensitivity to what means “Fatherland”, fatherland service, sacrifice for it. Therefore, the purpose of this reflection is to present a new richness and value of our fatherland above all, moral aspects and duties of patriotism. Patriotism, which is the normal realization of love of country, a task for each and everyone should pursue it as a wise, brave and responsible. It is extremely important in the situation of Polish entry into the EU. There can be no less love the Polish, if it is more Europe, because then Europe will be poorer by the good that is anchored in our own country – Poland. In order, therefore, have a lasting and significant position in Europe should continue to take the effort to discover the beauty and richness of our homeland. The need to strengthen and develop the spirit of healthy and genuine patriotism through fidelity to the heritage of homeland, and building, serving and promoting their own country with respect other nations. It should also lead constantly being improved from the earliest years, the process of raising children to honor, respect and love their country and friendship with other nations.
More...
The review: Tadeusz Władysław Bąk, „Skinheadzi w Polsce“, Wydawnictwo Diecezjalne i Drukarnia w Sandomierzu, Warszawa 2005, ss. 135.
More...
In this article, the author seeks to theoretically problematize the complexity, both temporal and conceptual, concerning the different uses of the concept of ethnicity with all its terminological relatives and derivatives. Special emphasis is given to the motives of interest in the phenomenon of ethnicity, in terms of the importance of the potential that it carries or that it can dispose with, or the ways it can be used, especially for political mobilization. Two prominent issues were considered, important for understanding the phenomenon of ethnicity, concerning the longevity of ethnic communities and the foundations of the political mobilization of ethnic communities. The article also gives an overview of the phenomena of popularizing discourse on ethnicity, irresponsible or careless speech, the use of ethnicity as a concept for all opportunities and a review of the practice of categorizing ethnicity into dangerous terms. The focus of interest is focused on problematizing the significance of signs, symbols and meanings in the identification and self-identification of ethnic communities, as well as on the meaning of mythic symbols and their irrational merits, and all the time keeping in mind Weber’s view of the primary task of the science about society regarding the discovery of meaning social and cultural phenomena.
More...
The paper investigates the relationship between the state, society and Serbian Orthodox Church in 19th and 20th century, considered from the standpoint of national identity, as a basic principle of contemporary cultural policies. The aim of the paper is to identify similarities and differences in three intersecting points in time in the relationship between state and church, as well as look at possibilities and obstacles for their cooperation in the context of democratic transition and consolidation of society in Serbia, following the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The theoretical exploration starts from the position that Orthodox Christianity, as it is “dependent on the state and concept of national church”, is a source of nationalism and obstacle to democracy, based on which a number of intellectuals and civil organizations in Serbia are against acceptance of Orthodox Christianity as an identifier of national identity of post-totalitarian society in Serbia. Qualitative empirical research that investigated the starting theoretical assumptions is based on the case study of Pčinja county in the South East of Serbia, which is a religious, cultural and political centre of this part of Serbia, with monastery Saint Prohor Pčinjski located in its centre. The results of research demonstrated that repressive political factors supressed Orthodox Christianity from the public life, thus there is no empirical evidence of “Orthodox nationalism”, and instead we can observe that throughout 20th century the church was a victim of ideologies of Yugoslavia, Communist atheism and ethnical nationalisms of the newly established countries in the region. In Serbia, this type of relationship towards Orthodox Christianity moved from former party state that dominated the society into a section of civil society, whose political activities tend to overtake the role of former Communist party. This part of civil society, as it is burdened with totalitarian heritage itself, bases its political attitudes on the empirically unfounded theoretical speculations, which is why, despite its efforts, it represents a challenge to the democratization of inherited post-totalitarian cultural system and an obstacle for Serbian Orthodox Christian community to realize its democratic right to free expression of values and ideas in which it believes.
More...
This article analyzes the factors which contribute to the existence of a small population of conscious Ruthenians in Serbia. According to the author, the factors that undoubtly influence and improve the life conditions of the Ruthenian national community in Serbia / Vojvodina at the beginning of the 21st century are: Ruthenian language educational vertical; Apostolic Exarchate for Greek Catholics in Serbia and Montenegro; National Council of the Rusyn National Minority; Institute for Culture of the Vojvodinian Ruthenians; Ruthenian National Theatre Petro Riznič Djadja; diverse publishing activity; electronic media; new cultural organizations and manifestations; revolutionary changes in the Carpathian area; favourable international conditions. The Bačka-Srem Ruthenians present a kind of proof that long-lasting existence of a community small in number is quite possible only if a state creates suitable conditions. Since the Serbian / Vojvodinian authorities do their best to implement international conventions it may be said that there is much hope for the Ruthenians in Serbia to preserve their culture and national identity in the future, especially in Europe without borders.
More...
The conflict between Serbia and Austria-Hungary in the years preceding the First World War is looked at in the global context of the “age of empire”. The Balkans was to Austria-Hungary what Africa or Asia was to the other colonial powers of the period. The usual ideological justification for the Dual Monarchy’s imperialistic expansion was its “civilizing mission” in the “half-savage” Balkans. The paper shows that the leading Serbian intellectuals of the time gathered round the Srpski književni glasnik (Serbian Literary Herald) were well aware of the colonial rationale and “civilizing” ambitions of the Habsburg Balkan policy, and responded in their public work, including both scholarly and literary production, to the necessity of resistance to the neighbouring empire’s “cultural mission“
More...
Cilj je rada bio ispitati relativni doprinos dispozicijskih (autoritarnostii orijentacije na socijalnu dominaciju), identitetskih (identifikacije s vlastitom nacijom, nacionalizma i kozmopolitizma) i situacijskih čimbenika (percepcije međugrupne prijetnje) upredviđanju otvorenih i prikrivenih etničkih predrasuda, uz ispitivanje multigrupnog moderirajućeg učinka nacionalnog identiteta. U istraživanju je sudjelovalo 582 studenata Sveučilištau Zagrebu. Utvrđeno je da se visoko i nisko identificirani pojedinci razlikuju na svim mjerama, osim u rezultatima orijentacije na socijalnu dominaciju. Analizom traga kompozitnih rezultata na latentnim varijablama utvrđen je značajan doprinos percipirane međugrupne prijetnje te dispozicijskih čimbenika u objašnjenju predrasuda prema pripadnicima nacionalnih manjina, ali ne i značajan doprinos identitetskih obilježja. U radu se raspravljao implikacijama rezultata, posebno o ograničenoj mogućnosti predviđanja prikrivenih predrasuda na temelju sklopa prediktora uobičajenih u predviđanju otvorenih predrasuda.
More...
Research on the political attitudes and political culture of women in relation to their preferences concerning the population policies are rare and in domestic literature they are often instrumentalized with the purpose to serve the promotion of nationalist politics. The female “political angle” is poorly visible and is reduced to the pro and contra arguments based on preferences of regarding the number of children they want or can have. It is ignored that there is a wider political context and a political culture in which the choices are made. National (state) programs assess the fertility of women as desirable or undesirable based on class, race, caste, ethnicity, religious affiliation, disability, sexual orientation, marriage, domicile or immigrant status, projecting through this not only the scope of biological reproduction of the population, but inevitably the profile and standards of the political organization of the state and the acceptable or desirable profile of the citizen. The aim of this part of the research was to highlight the wider political and value framework in which women / mothers in Serbia and in northern Kosovo make their attitudes towards population policy. The analysis shows that about a third of respondents support conservative population policy measures, and that Populationist Conservatism (IPK) is a consistent political commitment related to patriarchy, nationalism, and also depends on the basic political choices of respondents (toward civic/ democratic, national or -egalitarian political systems). The outcomes of the research also show that a positive attitude towards feminism is closely related to supporting democratic measures of population policy.
More...
The purpose of the article is to reveal the genre and style specificity of Undine by E.T.A. Hoffmann in the context of the spiritual and semantic aspects of the German national idea. The methodology of the work is based on the intonational concept of music in the perspective of intonational-stylistic, etymological analysis, succession from B. Asafiev and his followers, as well as interdisciplinary and historical-cultural approaches. Certain fact allows revealing the spiritual and semantic and style specificities of the musical theater of E.T.A. Hoffmann and his contemporaries singled out it from the pan-European cultural area of the first half of the 19th century. The scientific novelty broads the understanding of the poetics of the musical theater of E.T.A. Hoffmann, in particular, the opera "Undine" which serves as one of the samples of the German opera of the period and at the same time demonstrates a deep connection with the genesis of the national idea of Germany. Conclusions. The processes of the formation of the German national idea and the ways of its historical evolution show a close connection with the spiritual values of the German nation, in particular, with respect for the German language, national mythology, culture, complemented by a complex of archetypes of the House, the Family, Ordnung, defining the essence of the "German spirit" (der Teuscher Geist). The latter received the fullest expression in the style searches of German culture of the first half of the XIX century and its musical theater, in particular, in the genre-style specificity of "Undine" by E.T.A. Hoffmann. The ideas of juxtaposing the real and fantastic worlds, the motives for disappointment and awareness of the moral and ethical imperfections of the human world, revealing the romantic qualities of this work, coexist in it with the typology of the German Biedermeier. The mentioned issues are revealed in the intonational homogeneity of the musical language of the opera which unites the real and fantastic worlds, and also in the principal avoidance of dramatic scenes, which are the key moments in the narrative of the literary source of the opera (Fouqué’s story). Also, the role of the moral and didactic factor, the protection of German patriarchal and family values that give the "Undine" E.T.A are essential. Hoffmann created "instructive history" of "German antiquity". The marked style quality determines the specificity of the intonational language of the opera, formed at the intersection of Mozart’s style and the poetics of applied genres (Lied, romance, ballad, etc.).
More...
The author believes nationalism to act in accordance with its own criteria and arguments which differ from those belonging to Liberalism or to Marxism. Nationalism i predominantly defined by cultural features that prevail over other determinants of statehood, such as religion, dynasty, and economic status.
More...
In the paper, I analyze the conceptual and contentual definition of selfhood, its individual and collective component, and its modernist objectivity within ethnic and national identities. As a concrete historically shaped and determined creation, personal selfhood is subject to the dialectic of social reality which in the era of modernity obtains its sociopolitical merit within the nation and its institutional analogue - the national state. On the other hand, postmodern tendencies change the image of selfhood as a coherent and permanently anchored being by focusing on the phenomena of decentralization, fragmentation and heterogeneity. The central thesis of the paper is that the postmodernist image of social reality and the related image of a fragmented personal selfhood cannot eliminate the influence, intensity and efficiency of nations, national identity and nationalism, and in itself is unable to eliminate these modernist determinants from the components of postmodern / post-national individual and collective identities.
More...
Due to Miroslav Krleža’s resolutely Yugoslav and leftist orientation after the Se¬cond World War, his long-term interwar obsession with the “perennial” national dispossession of the Croats has been rarely noticed. On the basis of a systematically mournful portrayal of both Croatia’s historical fate and its present condition, Krleža raises a “masculine” imperative of a violent and final liberation from oppressors in both his fiction and essays. To legitimise this revolutionary utopia, he draws nu¬merous analogies between the Croatian present, early nineteenth century, and the Middle Ages, i.e. the epochs marked by completely different political and ethnic status for “Croatianness”. Simultaneously, however, Krleža repeatedly cautions of the necessity of carefully establishing historical differences between these epochs. Moreover, his argument persistently oscillates between the national and the social platform of collective liberation, employing a characteristically tacit transformation of class characteristics into national ones. He switches from one to the other in a passionate attachment to the radical ideal of self-determination, which with the Ver¬sailles Treaty was transposed from the well-established Western European nation states onto the fractured political space of East Central Europe, with devastating consequences. It ignited compensatory populist ideologies and dreams of sovereignty by presenting the new states’ pauperised and exhausted masses with the prospect of ultimate salvation from their precarious social and economic situation. Krleža proved a fanatical advocate of such starkly counterfactual projects. For him, as a writer from the East Central European political and intellectual sphere, politics was a prophetic vision rather than a cold-blooded business driven by various pragmatic interests in Western Europe.
More...