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The national identity of the Romanian people emerged in the last part of 18th century and was shaped in 19th century. Imagining a Romanian nation is the brain child of intellectuals who have defined the national community and built first a cultural identity, then a political identity. After the Habsburg conquest, the Greek-Catholic Church favored the formation of a new generation of intellectuals, who contributed to the formation of a national conscience crossing religious boundaries. Half a century later, the Transylvanian School set the ground for the formation of the Romanian nation. The revolutionary generation of 1848 imagined the nation beyond social and confessional boundaries, mobilizing the peasantry and the townspeople to achieve its national political goals. The national identity of the Romanians of Transylvanian was shaped in a competitive manner, as an answer to the hostile images of foreigners, especially in competition with the Hungarians’ national ideology.
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La vie politique roumaine de l'entre deux guerres a été marquée par la lutte entre les deux tendances dominantes: le démocratisme et le nationalisme. Dans cette article on présente les aspects théoriques des principaux courants politiques qui ont révendiquer le monopole du nationalisme roumain: le nationalisme démocrat de Nicolae Iorga, le nationalisme chrétien de A.C. Cuza et le l'idéologie legionnaire.
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The EU's Member States have different specific requirements for obtaining their nationality/ citizenship and, by consequence, nowadays there are different conditions for obtaining the European Citizenship. In this article, we aim to present in a comparative manner the diversity of the national regulations concerning this issue.
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Monténégro un modèle pour les Balkans est une description de la situation de Monténegro, cinq années avant la proclamation de l'indépendance. Le point central le représent les acctions occidentales qui avaient le but de faire de la petite république un modèle pour les autres pays de la région.et qui ont déterminé l'apparition d'un nationalisme monténégrin anti-yougoslave et pro-occidental.
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Monténégro : la naissance d’une nation?. En 2006, après 88 années, le Monténégro a regagné son indépendance, à la suite d'un référendum très disputé et discuté. Bien les choses se soient passées différemment, le nouveau état garde les traits communs des pays ex-yougoslaves, étant, tout comme ceux-ci, prédisposé à des tensions éthniques.
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The tendency in the Spanish media to denigrate Romanian citizens, the aversion reactions of Spanish citizens against our countrymen, registered in the “Reports on evolution of racism and xenophobia” in the last 4 years as well as the decisions issued by the Government of Spain in the summer of 2011 to restrict the labor market for Romanian workers, made us ask ourselves whether the Romanian immigrants in Spain are being discriminated. Therefore, from our point of view, it was necessary to perform a field research in order to identify the level of discrimination and the areas where it is felt by Romanian immigrants in the Spanish state. This article captures some aspects of the discrimination phenomenon felt by Romanian immigrants in Spain, by exposing a part of the individual field research conducted in the summer of 2012 in Madrid.
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Twenty years after the fall of the communist regime we still feel working its ideological mechanisms. The main reason is our incapacity to understand what happened in society during the four decades of communist rule. We thought that it is enough to know the facts and to blame the perpetrators (although we never actually did that). But this is only the first step. Furthermore, we must take an analytic approach. That is why, in this article I aim to analyze the way in which communism mixed with nationalism in Romania. I have a look at the principles of socialist internationalism, at the practice of the so-called „nationalcomunism” in several socialist/communist countries and, finally, I focus on the Romanian pattern, showing its ideas and its functioning. My conclusion is that the „national-communism” is not a specific type of nationalism, but a simple rhetoric, ignoring any sense and mixing demagogically coloured elements from both ideologies.
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This article deals with the identification of the so-called krajowcy – a relatively small group of Polish-speaking activists in Lithuania and Belarus in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century who promoted an idea of the re-establishement of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This article claims that the krajowcy democrats (Michał Römer, Tadeusz Wróblewski, Konstancja Skirmuntt and others) were not nationally indifferent. On the contrary, they promoted a clearly formulated national identity ideology, different to the dominant (ethno-linguistic) one. First of all, the krajowcy were nationalists in a civic sense: they were Lithuanians, citizens of Lithuania within its historical boundaries. In addition, some of them, for example Wróblewski, suggested strengthening ethno-linguistic nationalism as well, otherwise his national personal autonomy concept would simply not have worked. Others, such as Konstancja Skirmuntt, Juozapas Albinas Herbačiauskas and Michał Römer, expressed a hybrid identification with several national cultures, and sometimes their self-identification was even reminiscent of identity ideologies that had dominated in earlier historical periods.
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The Montenegrin society is characterised by numerous grounds for conflict: stereotypes, prejudices, established patterns of behaviour, accentuated masculinity, the cult of motherhood, multiethnic and multiconfessional tensions, most of which are due to cultural patterns, but also the breakup of the SFRY, wars in the environment, economic crisis, external influences and transition. Society in the decades-long period of active awaiting, insecurity and uncertainty is largely impoverished and divided between the elite and others. The paper outlines the principles of mediation in Montenegro within the framework of marital mediation and emphasises the issue of gender relations.
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This paper investigates the impact of board diversity and CEO educational background on bank performance. Based on a sample of 54 UK publicly listed banks over the period 2005–2015, we examine the relationship of both static and dynamic modelling frameworks, which controls for individual specific effects and potential sources of endogeneity. The study reports a positive but insignificant relationship between CEO education and bank performance, and a positive significant association between gender diversity and bank performance. It further denotes a negative and significant impact of nationality diversity on bank performance. Our findings provide empirical support for the significance of the association between board diversity and firm performance. Our study also provides support for theories concerned with how corporate governance differs in financial institutions.
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Mircea Eliade was a historian of religions, a philosopher as well as a writer. He taught philosophy and history of religions at the University of Bucharest, the Ecole pratique des hautes études in Paris and the University of Chicago. As a diplomat, he served as cultural attaché at the Romanian Embassy in London and the Romanian Legation in Lisbon. He never returned to the country after the communist regime was established in Romania. His studies and syntheses are characterized by an original view on the relationship between sacred and profane. He made an outstanding contribution to the history of religions, mythology, shamanism and symbolism.
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Following the Austrian-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the new authorities introduced an interconfessional school system aimed at educating children in the spirit of Bosnian-Herzegovinian provincial and Habsburg civic patriotism. Existing South Slavic textbooks, containing numerous texts that were offensive to Muslims, proved unsuitable for such an undertaking. The goal of this article is to address the treatment of history in the new textbooks written for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s state primary schools, considering both the selection of historical topics and the manner in which historical education was utilized in order to impart desirable loyalties among the students and further the government’s political goals. Besides encouraging the students to identify with the glorious deeds of their medieval forefathers and thus fostering a historically based Bosnian patriotism, the textbooks were written with a clear intent to appeal to the province’s Muslims and, in particular, to their gentry. They implied a clear continuity between Bosnia’s medieval, supposedly Bogomil aristocracy and the contemporary Muslim elites, while also being careful not to address historical topics in a manner that may offend Muslim sensibilities. Lastly, considerable effort was invested into historically justifying contemporary Habsburg rule over Bosnia in Herzegovina and, in a wider sense, teaching the children that a benevolent foreign government may benefit a society suffering from disunity or rebelliousness.
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Political, economic and social changes brought about by the dissolution of the Soviet Union have had a significant impact on Kaliningrad Oblast, the empire’s westernmost territory of geostrategic importance. Formerly belonging to the German province of East Prussia, the region was meant to become Sovietised completely. The end of the Cold War led to a complete bankruptcy of such policies. At the turn of the 80s and 90s the emergence of a grass-roots interest in the officially forbidden parts of the Oblast’s history made the question of the relation between its pre-war and postwar past up-to-date. Its topicality was strengthened after the 2005-06 commemorations of founding the city of Königsberg and Kaliningrad Oblast, in which both central and regional authorities were heavily involved. This paper aims at identifying how elements of the history of East Prussia have been selected, interpreted and incorporated into the regional history education course books in contemporary Kaliningrad Oblast. It argues that the growing criticism of the course books’ contents has been related to Russia’s domestic situation since the 2012 presidential election and the tensions with the West after 2014. Both events have hastened the process of forming and cementing the so-called new Russian conservatism which has had a growing influence on the Baltic semiexclave.
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The text is a critical review of the book authored by Dangiras Mačiulis and Darius Staliūnas, entitled Lithuanian nationalism and the Vilnius question 1883-1940. The book was published in 2015 by the Herder Institute in Marbourg, Germany. The author of this review presents the contents of this publication and analyses the attitude of Lithuanian historians towards the title question. In particular, the sources of the Lithuanian nationalism and Polish-Lithuanian-Belarusian approach to Vilnus are discussed in the review. [Trans. by Jacek Serwański]
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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the problems of the European Union. The key issue lies, from a constructivist perspective, in the identity European member states perceive when it comes to "European".
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Il y a des mécanismes par lesquels une communauté (ethnique) parvient à adapter (plutôt qu’abandonner) un ancien mode de fonctionnement et de cohésion, au profit de sa propre conservation, et cela malgré les changements, par ailleurs inévitables. La prise en compte de la cohésion communautaire, laquelle s’appuie, dans le cas des communautés aroumaines, presque toujours sur la lignée, amène à considérer celles-ci comme des réseaux sociaux fonctionnant essentiellement sur la base des groupes (des lignées) et non des individus. Cette organisation communautaire, à la fois complexe et flexible, assure une sécurité sociale et économique aux individus qu’elle inclut dans ses réseaux. Son analyse débouche sur la problématique de la rencontre ou d’un « métissage » entre deux phénomènes qui sont a priori conçus soit en opposition mutuelle, soit comme n’ayant aucun rapport: d’un côté, un type de fonctionnement « communautaire » et « traditionnel » et, de l’autre, le processus d’émancipation sociale des individus rendu possible et exigé à la fois par la société contemporaine.
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From the times of Svetozar Marković, i. e. from the seventies of the previous century, up to The Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina 1909, The Social-Democrats in Yugoslav countries were not greatly interested in the pro- biem of national relations in the Ygoslav territories. After then, without penetrating into the essence of inheritance left by the historical tradition of the Yugoslav countries and their peoples separated for centuries, they advocated the view that there was only one uniform Yugoslav people, based upon the fact »that they both spoke the same language and manifested other mutual ethnic characteristics.« The idea of national and cultural autonomy of The Yugoslavs within The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was pointed out at The First Yugoslav Socialist Conference in Ljubljana, in November 1909, and the idea of their political independence within a federation of the Balkan peoples at The First Balkan Socialist Conference in Belgrade 1910. The Social-Democratic Parties in Slovenia and Croatia engaged themselves on propaganda of the former idea while the Social-Democratic Party of Serbia worked on propaganda of the latter one.
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Relying on Rogers Brubaker’s belief that the study of nationalism has survived the erosion of nuanced and sophisticated works offered by the greatest minds in the field, this paper summarizes and reinterprets main Western theories of nations and nationalism. During the last five decades, several main theoretical approaches have emerged. The author argues the animosity between these approaches is only ostensible. Hence, a compatible perspective could emerge as a general framework for thinking about nations and nationalism in the 21st century. Such a framework would consist of modernism, interactionism and ethno-symbolism, all recognized in the literature as distinct views on the topic in question. Still applicable and compatible parts of the mentioned theories are extracted by thorough examination of their author’s most potent claims in order to offer means for comprehending the complex phenomena in a fast and ever changing social environment of the 21st century.
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