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A magyarság megmaradásának esélyei Fölvidéken a jelenlegi erőviszonyok között 1.
The Philosophical Frameworks of the Issue of Hungarians in Slovakia: Nation, Minority, Nationalism
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The Philosophical Frameworks of the Issue of Hungarians in Slovakia: Nation, Minority, Nationalism
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One of the key terms in the last decades, multiculturalism is perceived as a critical approach to the peaceful coexistence of different cultures within the same geographical areas. Multiculturalism, as a concept, has proved its validity in certain cases (19th and 20th century America) but failed in others (modern Eastern Europe). Now, a new wave of migration requires a change of perception and a transition from traditional, nationalist preferences to a transcultural approach. The current study aims to tackle this trend from a socio-cultural point of view.
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The aim of this paper is to determine (1) whether certain attitudes towards one's own and somebody else's nationality are in such mutual relations that on a latent level they form interpretable, relatively independent dimensions of ethnocentrism, and (2) whether Croats, Hungarians, Yugoslavs, Serbs and examinees from the Croatian national corpus who have only declared themselves nationally as Bunjevci (Ba~ka Croats), significantly differ among themselves with regard to the degree of internalisation of certain dimensions of ethnocentrism. The research was conducted on a sample of general adult population (N=396) in Subotica. The scale ETNO-1 (26 items) was constructed and factor analysis applied indicating the existence of three latent dimensions of ethnocentrism: national restrictedness, national affective commitment, and the mentality of national state of emergency. Canonic discriminant analysis established that members of different national groups differ among themselves with regard to the degree of internalisation of certain latent dimensions of ethnocentrism. The interfactor correlation values are such that they indicate the possibility of constructing a scale of a kind of general ethnocentrism.
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Problem setting. The national security system of the state is a single complex of military-technical, informational, economic, social-political, spiritual and other factors. In particular, the spiritual security of society is the basis for preserving the statehood and prosperity of the nation in the global competitive struggle. In such conditions, the role and significance of the spiritual security of society is of particular importance for state-building and nation-building processes in modern Ukraine.Recent research and publications analysis. The issue of spiritual security has become the subject of scientific research in various paradigmatic measures. Thus, V. Baranivsky emphasizes that spiritual security is an important factor in the existence of a nation and a state, and neglect of it can lead to the collapse of the country. The scientist V. Klyus reveals the essence of threats in the spiritual sphere of society, classifying them into two groups: threats that endanger the spiritual world of man and threaten the stable functioning of all forms of social consciousness and mentality. A number of researchers, G. Sitnik, L. Belovetska, B. Bukrinsky, V. Stepanov, S. Ponomarevsky, and others, offer their own interpretation of the essence, functions and classification of national values as the basis of the spiritual security of our people at the present stage of the national state-building.Paper main body. Spiritual security of the society is directed at the protection of national values and development priorities, the mentally-civilized basis of the existence of the Ukrainian people, and the preservation of its cultural identity in the global processes of the present. According to V. Krutov, today Ukraine needs a fundamental and effective theory of ensuring national security through the prism of spirituality as regards individual citizens, people, society, and the state as a whole. Solidifying with the thoughts of the previous author, we note that in our time, any state should be prepared to withstand negative external influences, in particular, information attacks aimed at the spiritual sphere of society's life. According to experts, the first group includes the danger of the destruction of the spiritual world of a person threatening the formation of her consciousness, ideological foundations, freedom of thought, beliefs, intellectual activity. The second group is a threat to the well-established functioning of all forms of social and mass consciousness and mentality.Conclusions of the research. The spiritual security of Ukrainian society is the key to preserving the national identity of our people, an important factor in building a modern democratic, European state. The spiritual security of Ukrainian society is based on national and universal values and aimed at protecting the national and cultural subjectivity of our people.
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Slom i nestanak Titove Jugoslavije, početkom devedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća, bio je politički i socijalni potres tektonskih proporcija. U dvije decenije iza početka rata sedam novih država se izdiglo iz pepela nekadašnje zajedničke kuće.
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Due to the gradual breakdown of the socialist realism a consciousness emerged that has led to the formation of modern socialist theories. These theories established the foundations for the emergent neo-historical drama as the realization of obvious social needs for political theater, developed as a specific form of neo-historical drama in the region. In 1967, with his play Bosnian King, Miroslav Jančić launched a drama circle with neo-historical themes. In the theatrical mess called Baš-Baščaršija (1970), Jančić used and processed the turbulent and turning period of Bosnia-Herzegovina's history, that brings together the turbulent cataclysms of the First and Second World Wars, as well as the period between the wars. At that time he found and psychologically precisely dissected the most important problem that Bosnia has always been exposed to and that all his playwriting is based on. This issue is the problem of inter-ethnic (inter-religious) hatred, which persistently leads to the denial of a common, Bosnian identity. Jančić's play Baš-Baščaršija is a neo-historical text with the utilitarian tendency to be a mirror of social reality, but it turns into a political satire of modern humanity that includes the microcosmos and macrocosmos of human life.
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U svom prilogu autor govori o novijoj bosanskoj historiji i ocjenjuje da je historijski period nastao poslije ZAVNOBiH-a najplodniji period bosanskohercegovačke historije uopće, a u tom periodu se svojim ukupnim uspjesima i napredovanjem u svim domenima društvenog i poličkog života bosanskog društva ističe vrijeme između 1970-1987. godine. Zasluge za takav razvoj, kojeg naziva “zlatno doba” bosanske historije, autor pripisuje politici nacionalne ravnopravnosti koja je tada vođena.
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Konflikti i sukobi su moćni generatori predrasuda i stereotipa. Historiografski negativni stereotipi podstaknuti politikom i ideologijom, omogućavaju idealiziranje vlastitog naroda, da se lakše okrive drugi, da se jednostavnije opravda eklatantno neprijateljstvo i mržnja. Velika nedaća sa nacionalnim stereotipima je njihova nepromjenljivost. Nacionalni ili etnički stereotipi predstavljaju osnovni element iskazivanja nacionalističkog mišljenja i argument koji svojom pseudoutemeljenošću i automatizmom potvrduje dogmatičnost nacionalističke ideologije.
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Es wird die übernationale Identifizierung bei den Kroaten durch ihre Geschichte dargestellt. Obwohl eng mit ethnischen und sprachlichen Kriterien verbunden, hängt sie auch von Emotionen und politischen Verhältnissen ab. Die Kroaten identifizierten sich meist mit den Slawen, jedoch auch mit Goten, Illyriern, Iranern. Heute wird, angesichts der extrem angespannten politischen Lage, die slawische Identität manchmal verleugnet.
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The author aims to present the formation process of ethnic and national consciousness among the inhabitants of Orawa over the past one hundred years, paying special attention to the external factors influencing this process. Against this background, an attempt is made to explain the present state of split consciousness of the Polish Orawa population and predict, as far as possible, the future development of national consciousness in the region. It is claimed that national consciousness can be replaced with "substitute" declarations of regional identity only under exceptional conditions and on a short-term basis.
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Today, the urban population in all industrialized countries the world over is larger than the rural one. In the USSR urban population gradually increases, as every new census shows. The problem of urbanization has existed for quite a long time, and now no one will deny the great influence of the city and urban culture on all the spheres of national life. Without urban ethnography the picture of national culture would undoubtedly be incomplete.
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The author puts forward the history of Jews in the East and West Europe to give data for better understanding of the Zionist movement, which more and more influences also upon the development of international relations, and with regard to the partaking of Jews in the cultural heritage of Europe, also here strongly acts upon formation of social consciousness. The fate of this nation is closely connected with the fate of other nations it lives with. It has been specially shown their development in west Europe where parallel with the creation of the national state has been made the assimilation of Jews. After the victory of the French Revolution they entered, out of their »ghettos«, into a new world of freedom, with less or more obstacles, to finish finally in the prisoners’ camps of death. In the East Jews firstly lived in Poland in the Jews communities which were formed into a great national federation, and after the division/ of Poland in 1795 they came into the Russian imperial state. On that territory i he growth of population was big, so that at the end of the 19th century it grew up to five million inhabitants, what was the largest number of Jews in Europe. The emancipation of Jews also here comes to some obstacles, but under the influence of a wider Russian acceptance of the western ideas it accepted an another character than it did in the west. The Russian Jews, •who also wanted to break with the spiritual ghetto, they where different of the German Jews who where possessed by emancipation; although they were humanists they wanted to create a modern Jew, what caused the restauration of national feelings. In Poland together with enlightenment the Jews' mysticism also developed, Hasidism which was a social revolt of poor Jews' workers, and which according to Martin Buber, the Jews’, philosopher, reflected the authentic spirit of the Jews’ nation. So on the ground of a cohesive ethnical group in the East Europe developed modem Jewish nationalism differing from the western one where it was only a reaction to anti-Semitism where from it sought its way out. In the Zionist movement the two worlds, the East and the West, conflicted and finally reconciled to create their common country coming back to Jerusalem to create new harmony wherein, according to the Jewish tradition written in the book of the greatest Jews’ prophet Izaia »the country will be full of Lord’s marks, as the sea is full of water. There exists danger of decay of special ability of the historical Jewism, because their spiritual uneasiness and critical impulse slowly dies in the contemporary life of technicism. Israel stands in front of the task to look for its own solutions and voices of consciousness rise again. Erich Fromm, Herbert Marcuse and many other representatives of the Jewish intellectual elite seek an outcome out of barbarism where the western civilization fell in because of their spiritual crisis and because of which the fate of people is uncertain, to affirm finally the victory of spirit also in the present historical epoch and so to create perspectives for future.
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The article is divided into two main sections, i.e. titles: the first section deals with Berdyayev’s attitude towards the concept of nation and the associated nationalisms, whereas the second is aimed at observing his view on liberalism and the related capitalism. Reflecting on nation and nationalism, the author provides a critical appraisal of Berdyayev’s view on the early development of nations, i.e. of his putting their beginnings into direct connection with nominalism as a typical philosophical stream in the late Middle Ages. However, this critical judgment will not present an obstacle to a positive evaluation of Berdyayev’s vision of these phenomena as a whole, especially his pointing to the incoherent and creative nationalisms. With great care the author studies Berdyayev’s attitude towards liberalism and the related capitalism. Berdyayev’s religious-Christian background in the analysis of these phenomena is more than obvious. In this good judgment the Russian philosopher is very critical towards all the sociological schools with a positive approach to these particular sociopolitical conditions, which use purely empirical analyses.
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The concept of identity contains two characteristics: consistency and continuity in time. Although the term is thus used in psychology, its two characteristics are commonly used in analysis and research of identity. If we start from these postulates, we notice that the Bosnian-Herzegovinian society has all the characteristics of a multilateral society since the earliest times, while from 1992 until now the processes of internal and external destruction of this kind of society are taking place. Members of all the peoples who inhabited Bosnia from the earliest times have cultivated their own culture with existing culture they encountered. Thus, the Bosnian-Herzegovinian society’s multilateralism, whose characteristics multiethnicity, multireligiousness and multiculturalism, has built for centuries. All internal and external attacks on the continuity of the Bosnian society did not, however, destroy the foundations of its multilateralism. Identity mosaic of this kind of society consists of Illyrian, Slavic, Celtic, Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, and all the newer elements that have influenced and influence its structuring. The positive effects of the civilizational heritage as one of the most important segments of Bosnian identity are significantly shaken in the early 1990s and are continually disrupting today.
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This essay will analyse ethnic politics and the breakup of Yugoslavia. It will consider what the key explanatory factors were for the rise in ethnic politics. There will also be an analysis as to why nationalist politics, virtually unseen during communism, ended in such brutal warfare. Whilst the focus will be on the former Yugoslavia, there will be a comparison with the dissolution of Czechoslovakia, a case which did not end in violence.
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This paper aims to analyse the refugee crisis during the second half of the year 2015 in terms of media messages promoted in Romania by various politicians and journalists. The assumptions of this analysis are as follows: the online publications are promoting fear and intolerance using unconfirmed information; when referring to the refugees, the online environment is used by some leaders to win capital image by appealing to nationalism, while a part of public opinion is not favourable receiving refugees by Romania; the political opposition uses the online media in order to capture the support of those unhappy with the official policy on immigrants, as promoted by the president and the government / European leaders. To prove the first hypothesis, we chose to analyse the articles published on websites like aflasitu.ro, infoalert.ro and inliniedreapta. net because they are a model of incorrect journalistic practices based on incomplete, unverified information, thus encouraging xenophobia and fear of the Muslim community. In the case of the second hypothesis, we will consider the interventions in the online media of two Romanian journalists, Lucian Mindruţă and Robert Turcescu, because they are two of the most active public figures during September-November 2015, regarding the topic of this paper. The last hypothesis refers to two other opinion makers, but this time involving political leaders of opposition parties. The examples we have chosen are those of Bogdan Diaconu, the United Romania Party (Partidul Romania Unită) chairman and Traian Băsescu, Romania’s former president and current leader of the People’s Movement (Mişcarea Populară).
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The phenomenon of variant dissemination of standard language has drawn a greter and greater attention of the researchers in recent times. It is manifested in the parallel existence of two or more variants of a single standard language, as its differentiated uses in different socio-cultural and national environments. Certain correlation between the national and the variant has been observed in this respect, which led to determining the standard language variant according to the national character of the given environment. The paper analyzes the national-variant relation, in the light of recent research of numerous instances of standard language variants. It criticizes as groundless the isomorphism of the national regarding the variant, especially in respect of the existing definition of a variant and underlines the need for reconsideration and revaluation of this definition. In this respect, the author stresses three essential constitutive factors of the formation of standard language variants, regardless of their manifesting manner: the factor of territorial detachment, the factor of the composition of the given socio-cultural environment and the factor of being conditioned by communication. The fundamental notion is that of the socio-cultural environment which allows the satisfactory manner of defining the standard language variant in the entirety of its manifesting forms.
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