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Formalno-pravne aspekte rodne ravnopravnosti u BiH nužno je posmatrati kroz dva nivoa - međunarodni i nacionalni, koji imaju svoje refleksije i na ostale nivoe uključujući i najniži nivo - lokalnu zajednicu. Za potrebe ovog istraživanja, a s obzirom na važne refleksije na lokalne zajednice, u međunarodnim pravnim dokumentima posebno se izdvajaju CEDAW konvencija (Konvencija o ukidanju svih oblika diskriminacije žena, 1979.), Pekinška deklaracija i Platforma za akciju (1995.), Rezolucija 1325 (“Žene, mir i sigurnost”, 2000.) i Konvencija Vijeća Europe o sprečavanju i borbi protiv nasilja nad ženama i nasilja uporodici (2011., tzv. Istanbulska konvencija). U odnosu na domaće zakonodavstvo nužno je istaći značaj Zakona o ravnopravnosti spolovau BiH i Zakona o zabrani diskriminacije u BiH.
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S obzirom da se u većini dostupnih istraživanja i dokumenata koji su analizirani ne mogu naći jasni izdvojeni podaci po regijama kao i odvojeno za ove dve regije (jedan od izuzetaka je istraživanje Fondacije CURE „Žene koje inspirišu“), generalni presek uz neke specifičnosti radi bolje ilustracije stanja na terenu pokazaćemo sumarno. Nakon toga ćemo dati pregled nekih lokalnih specifičnosti. Pri tome treba napomenuti da regionalne podele ne prate i administrativne s obziromda su četiri analizirane opštine u ove dve regije pripadajuće opštine grada Istočno Sarajevo, od kojih dve pripadaju romanijskoj regiji.
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Jedan od osnovnih principa Evropske unije čijom članicom nastoji postati i Bosna i Hercegovina je rodna ravnopravnost. Amsterdamski ugovor, te brojne direktive EU obavezuju države da u svojim politikama i programima doprinose jednakopravnosti žena i muškaraca. Rodna ravnopravnost je i jedan od 17 globalnih ciljeva Programa održivog razvoja do 2030. godine kojeg su usvojile članice Ujedinjenih naroda, a koji je proizašao iz Milenijumske deklaracije. Najvažniji dokument UN-a iz domena rodne ravnopravnosti je Konvencija o eliminisanju svihoblika diskriminacije žena. Ukidanje diskriminacije žena i djevojčica, kako stoji u Programu, nije samo osnovno ljudsko pravo, nego ima višestruki učinak na druga područja razvoja. Od 2013. BiH je i potpisnica Istanbulske konvencije. Rodna ravnopravnost koja podrazumijeva jednako učešće žena i muškaraca u svim sferama javnog i privatnog života, jednak status, jednaku involviranost u procese odlučivanja u politici, programe rada i prakse svih institucija, te jednak pristup društvenim resursima i jednake benefite od njih, dugoročno bi trebala rezultirati kvalitetnijim i humanijim životom u zajednici.
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One of the basic principles of the European Union whose member Bosnia and Herzegovina seeks to become is gender equality. The Amsterdam Treaty and numerous EU Directives oblige the States to contribute to the equality of women and men in their policies and programs. Gender equality is one of the 17 global goals of the Sustainable Development Program until 2030 which was adopted by the United Nations, as a result of the Millennium Declaration. The UN's most important document in the area of gender equality is the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.255 The abolition of discrimination against women and girls, as stated in the Program, is not only a fundamental human right but has multiple effects on other areas of development. Since 2013, BiH is also a party to the Istanbul Convention.
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Our war and post-war experience has been marked with terrible and widespread sufferings of civilians. As one of the central questions in dealing with the past and peace-building processes in the Croatian society, we ask ourselves how we can offer adequate support and contribute to providing justice and reparations to civilian victims of war. In doing this, we create and support research, analytical, educational and public political activities, but also methods of direct support to civilian victims of war. Compensations and reparations to victims are one of the key elements of transitional justice. They enable victims to receive public recognition of their suffering and compensation for the endured pain, humiliation and losses. By setting up reparations programs, the state implements a system of respecting human rights and answers the needs of victims as one of the most endangered social groups, groups in constant risk of social exclusion and bad socio-economic situation. The state is obliged to deliver justice and ensure their citizens full respect of human rights, and victims have the right to protection and safety. Reparations come in many forms, from legal mechanisms through symbolic and material reparations to group or individual reparations programs. According to the resolution Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law, civilian victims of war have the right to adequate, efficient and timely reparation.
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Naše je ratno i poslijeratno iskustvo obilježeno teškim i brojnim stradanjima civila. Kao jedno od središnjih pitanja suočavanja s prošlošću i izgradnje mira u hrvatskom društvu postavljamo si pitanje kako pružiti odgovarajuću podršku civilnim stradalnicima te doprinijeti ostvarenju pravednosti i obeštećenja civilnih žrtava rata. Na tom putu kreiramo i podupiremo istraživačke, analitičke, obrazovne i aktivnosti javnog političkog djelovanja, ali i metode neposredne podrške civilnim žrtvama rata. Ovim tekstom željeli bismo ćitatelje/ice iz organizacija za ljudska prava i drugih organizacija i inicijativa iz civilnoga društva upoznati s našim djelovanjem posljednjih godina putem nekoliko primjera iz prakse koji sveobuhvatno nastoje unaprijediti položaj civilnih žrtava rata u ostvarenju njihova prava na odgovarajuće obeštećenje.
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Povodom obilježavanja dvadeset pete godišnjice genocida nad Bošnjacima u „sigurnoj zoni“ Ujedinjenih nacija Srebrenica i oko nje, 19. oktobra 2020. godine u Sarajevu (Vijećnica) održana je Međunarodna naučna konferencija pod nazivom “GENOCID NAD BOŠNJACIMA, SREBRENICA 1995–2020: Uzroci, razmjere i posljedice“ u organizaciji četiri obrazovno-naučne institucije: Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Univerziteta u Tuzli, Instituta za istraživanje zločina protiv čovječnosti i međunarodnog prava Univerziteta u Sarajevu i Instituta za historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu. Događaji u Srebrenici i oko nje od 6. do 19. jula 1995. godine, bez obzira na mnogobrojne pokušaje, neprevodivi su na jezik stvarnosti koju poznajemo. Kao čovječanstvo naivno smo vjerovali da se poslije Aušvica i holokausta nigdje, nikada i nikome ne može dogoditi genocid takvih razmjera, da su za samo nekoliko dana ugašena nasilnom smrću 8372 ljudska života, a ugašena su samo zato što su imala drugačiji etnički i vjerski identitet. To nam govori da ljudski rod kroz historiju u moralnom pogledu od Drugog svjetskog rata i pobjede nad fašizmom nije nimalo napredovao. [...]
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Genocid se definira kao zločin par excellence, najgore što čovjek može uraditi drugom čovjeku u smislu prava i morala. I opet, od Aušvica do Kambodže i od Ruande do Srebrenice, od jedne epohe i kulture do druge, počinilac genocida insistira da je njegov cilj pobjeda dobrog nad zlim te da je stoga moral na njegovoj strani. Ono što vanjski svijet može osuditi kao pogrešno i zlo oslikano je kao suprotno, jer radnje koje se moraju poduzeti da bi se osiguralo ono što je istinski vrijedno nadjačat će sve ono što mu prijeti. Ubijanje je predstavljeno kao legitimna samoodbrana, te želja da se u tome ne učestvuje kao moralni pad, izdaja grupe kojoj pripada i čija je budućnost u pitanju. [...]
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The crime in Srebrenica completes and completes the barbaric campaign of the two expansionist regimes that created Greater Serbia and Greater Croatia with fire and sword. Srebrenica is a hub of the map and network of crimes against Bosniaks and is only one of the drastic variations of the attitude towards Bosniaks as “others” and over which the medieval anathema and their living space is divided on the Serbia-Croatia route. The basis of the legal legalization of these agreements is the Cvetković Maček agreement, created at the time of open sympathies for fascism and already formed Ustasha and Chetnik organizations. It was through these two fascist offshoots that the Second World War brought the largest percentage of casualties in Yugoslavia, in relation to the number of inhabitants, among Muslims, and these crimes were not prosecuted. For a long time, communist ideology treated Bosniaks as a religious group, not a nation, and the “recognition” of the nation took place under the religious name of Muslim, leaving only Bosnia and Herzegovina without a people whose ethnonym has ties to their homeland. This left the possibility to “legalize” the crime because in 1993 the Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina passed a conclusion: “that Muslims are a communist creation and represent a religious group of Turkish orientation... We do not accept this artificial nation.” We believe that Muslims are a sect, a group, of Turkish orientation... “The pattern of “liberators”, “winners”, “anti-fascists” was established and included in the manuals that were applied in practice in Bosnia and Herzegovina in years 1992–1995. and they refer to the class, religious, ideological and any other opponent, which “someone” officially marked as such. According to the “revolutionary” principle towards such an enemy, which officially does not exist, all means from the arsenal of Lenin’s “revolutionary terror” or Stalin’s gulags, Hitler’s gas chambers and concentration camps, Manjaca, Prijedor, Heliodrom, Srebrenica, whatever they call it, are allowed.
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This article deals with the causes and outcomes of the genocide against Bosniaks in and around Srebrenica in July 1995. The author’s position is that during the entire period of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 – 1995. genocide against Bosniaks took place on the territory of the entire State. In its Judgement of 26 February 2007, the International Court of Justice ruled that acts of genocide (actus reus) had been committed against Bosniaks throughout the duration of the international armed conflict. The international armed conflict took place on its territory between the Yugoslav People’s Army on the one and the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina the other hand. But Bosnia and Herzegovina managed to prove the existence of genocidal intent (mens rea) only in and around Srebrenica in July 1995. In this paper, to the extent permitted by the nature and scope of the work, the author briefly explored and analyzed the historical context in which the genocide was committed, the geopolitical reasons for the Serbian aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, the goals of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide of Bosniaks, situation on the battlefield 1995, peace plans and Bosniak enclaves in Eastern Bosnia, possible consent of the “international community” for the occupation of the enclaves by the Army of the Republika Srpska in order to simplify the maps as a precondition for concluding a peace agreement, the Bosnian Serbs’ historical hatred against Bosniaks and their historical experience of impunity for crimes committed against Bosniaks, as well as the belief that they were given a unique historical opportunity to realize their historical aspirations by genocide against Bosniaks: the elimination of non-Serbs and the annexation to the Serbian state of parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina territory vest of the Drina River. Following this discussion, the consequences of committing genocide in and around Srebrenica are briefly presented and analyzed. The opinion of the author is that each of the mentioned factors was a precondition for genocide to be committed and that all of them together, to a different extent, presented the cause of genocide. The consequence of committing genocide is the demographic collapse of Eastern Bosnia and Podrinje and a temporary change in the ethnic structure of the population in that area.
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The Srebrenica genocide committed in July 1995 by the Army of the Republika Srpska is the largest mass crime committed in Europe since the Holocaust in World War II. In their verdicts, the Srebrenica massacre was condemned as a crime of genocide by both the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice in a case concerning the application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. During the few days of the massacre after the fall of Srebrenica, which the United Nations Security Council, by its Resolution no. 819 of 16 April 1993 declared a protected zone, more than 8,000 Muslim men and boys were executed, while almost 30,000 women, children and elderly were forcibly expelled in a huge-scale ethnic cleansing campaign. Radovan Karadžić, a former politician who served as the President of Republika Srpska was in March 2019 convicted of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Earlier, in November 2017, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia found the wartime commander of the Republika Srpska Army, Ratko Mladić, guilty and sentenced him to life in prison for genocide and crimes against humanity. The European Parliament has adopted several resolutions on Srebrenica. On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the genocide in Srebrenica, the House of Representatives of the United States Congress unanimously adopted the Resolution on Srebrenica. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide, the Unied States Congress adopted a Resolution condemning the genocide and other crimes against Bosniaks committed by Serb forces in Srebrenica in July 1995, and in May 2020 the European Parliament adopted a Resolution on the importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe. This paper will analyze the resolutions of the European Parliament on the Srebrenica commemoration, as well as other international sources on the crime of genocide committed in the UN protected zone in Srebrenica.
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Genocide against Bosniaks of the United Nations Safe Zone Srebrenica, before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, verdicts of German courts (Düsseldorf High Regional Court), genocide crimes in Doboj and other places in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and verdicts of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, are paradigmatic evidence of genocidal destruction of Bosniaks, because the analysis of specific socio-historical processes, in the form of national liberation movements and nation-building in South Slavs and the wider Balkans, continuously, as an integral part of the genocide against Bosniaks. There are a lot of evidence of genocide against Bosniaks that are explicit and unquestionable as social, historical and legal facts, but one of them stands out and that is the genocide of mother and child as sources of holiness of life. In this paper, we will work on concrete socio-historical examples of the suffering of mothers and children in the genocide against Bosniaks from the beginning of the so-called “National liberation movements” in the early 19th century, through the Balkan wars, the First and Second World Wars, to the war against Bosnian society and the state in 1992–1995. using only relevant theoretical and methodological postulates, to prove and show that the last genocide against Bosniaks in and around Srebrenica, July 1995, is not an individual and isolated case of genocidal oppression of Bosniaks, but, on the contrary, represents only a paradigmatic example, ie part continuous genocide, as a means of “national liberation movements” from the neighborhood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, carried out according to the Jacobin formula “one state-one (ethnic) community”. By analyzing the suffering of mother and child in the genocide against Bosniaks, we will open the question of the prevailing false narratives (historical, political, “cultural” and others) about national liberation movements from the position of the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as progressive civilizational achievements.
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During the preparations and aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Yugoslav People’s Army and the Serbian military and police forces planned and conducted special operations for the use of illicit chemical and biological agents in operations in the UN protected areas of Srebrenica and Bihać. In planning the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Yugoslav People’s Army implemented a special program called “BIO-131-S”, which also referred to Srebrenica and Žepa. In 1995, the Serbian Army of Krajina, planned and implemented a special operation “MACH-1” against the civilian population and units of the 5th Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina of the UN Protected zone of Bihać, in order to poison the population with contaminated food delivered to this area. Using all means, even prohibited means, the aggressor wanted to occupy the territories of these two UN protected zones in all possible ways.
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During the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995), the most serious form of crime against humanity and international law was committed against Bosniaks - genocide, which was confirmed by the Hague Tribunal for Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice. According to previous findings, court practice and scientific research, genocide in all its five acts (Article two of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide from 1948) was committed in and around Srebrenica. In this paper, we will present all the most important events, ie the chronology of the genocide from July 11, 1995 to July 22, 1995. It is important to point out that what happened in Srebrenica in July 1995 has been strategically planned and announced since 1992, and gradually realized in the years that followed. Unfortunately, gaining the status of a UN safe zone on April 16, 1993, did not help Bosniaks in Srebrenica either. Between 11 and 22 July 1995, the Republika Srpska Armed Forces and Police, in co-operation with units from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republika Srpska Krajina, and foreign mercenaries, in accordance with Greater Serbia ideology, policy and practice, and the occupation of the United Nations safe zone of Srebrenica, forcibly relocated all Bosniak women and children and captured, imprisoned and executed thousands of men and boys and buried them in mass graves in secret places. In that period, the largest mass murder in Europe after the Second World War took place, while the “international community” did nothing to stop the commission of crimes by monstrous methods. We believe that it is important to point out the genocide and other crimes committed in the period from 1992 to 1995 in different ways on a daily basis, all with the aim that they would never and nowhere be repeated. In this regard, we decided to use this paper to point out chronologically the most important facts of the genocide of Bosniaks in and around Srebrenica in July 1995.
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