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Đurđa Gmaz rođena je 1950. godine u Sisku. Suprug joj je bio jedan od suosnivača HDZ-a u tom gradu. Od 1991. radila je u MUP-u Hrvatske. Kada je počeo rat u njezinom kraju, s obitelji je ostala u selu koje se nalazilo na crti razdvajanja sa srpskom stranom. Dana 16. srpnja 1993. godine kćer Đurđe Gmaz, koja se kupala s dvadesetak druge djece na Kupi, ubijena je rafalnim mecima koji su došli s druge strane Kupe, gdje su se nalazile srpske snage. Sin joj je tom prilikom teško ozlijeđen. Aktivna je u Udruzi civilnih žrtava stradalnika Domovinskog rata i godinama se zauzima za ostvarivanje prava civilnih žrtava rata.
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Genocid, genocid, genocid! Tom prividno poznatom riječju imenovani su progoni i ubijanja bosanskih muslimana u Srebrenici 1995. godine. Za to djelo osuđeno je više pojedinaca koji su ga domislili, podstakli i/ili proveli. Tom riječju, koju su izrekli suci, koju potomci i srodnici ubijenih ponavljaju kao molitvenu utjehu, užasnuta i ustrašena većina više je anestezirana negoli utješena. Ali riječi nemaju značenja izvan rečenice. Kada su im nametana korištenja u izdvojenosti, one postaju plastične. Čine se neprijeporno shvatljivim, a ipak su sve dalje od tog što njihovi korisnici hoće u žalosti i patnji, u ljubavi i mržnji te u nastojanjima da prežive i budu sretni. [...]
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In order to territorially expand and create a homogeneous demographic picture, “ethnic cleansing” and genocide against the non-Serb population of Podrinje was prepared first in academic, then in military circles, in our neighboring country of Serbia. The goal was to ethnically cleanse (brutally remove) the Bosniak population in every possible way from an area that covers at least fifty kilometers from the Drina River to the central part of Bosnu i Hercegovinu. The “ethnic cleansing” of that area from non-Serbs also had the intention of a “final showdown” with the undesirable, unpopular element, the remnants of the Turkish conqueror, as they labeled the Bosniak corps. Thus, the first aggressor strikes began on the eastern border and during April 1992, the entire Podrinje area was occupied, with great destruction, expulsions, imprisonment, terrorism and the cruelest crimes that reached their peak with the Srebrenica genocide. Permanent crimes and complete “ethnic cleansing” throughout the war period completely devastated the prewar demographic picture of the entire Bosnian Podrinje area. In this paper, we will analyze the causes, extent and consequences of the devastated demographic picture in 10 Podrinje municipalities, comparing the post-war census from 2013 with the pre-war census from 1991. Comparative analysis will show that war destruction, crimes, “ethnic cleansing” and genocide against Bosniaks in Srebrenica and other Podrinje municipalities caused large demographic, quantitative and qualitative changes in ethnic structure, gender, age, working age, education, culture and all other segments of life.
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Moralno-pravna i politička obaveza svijeta Evropske unije i Bosne i Hercegovine jeste ne samo spriječiti buduće, civilizacijski katastrofične i neprihvatljive zločine poput genocida nad Bošnjacima u Srebrenici i oko nje nego, i prije svega, spriječiti njegovo planski aktivno i političko, medijsko, kvazinaučno, sistematsko poricanje i negiranje, kakvome svjedočimo danas i svih poratnih godina u Bosni i Hercegovini i njenom susjedstvu. Tačnije Srbiji, koja je imala “političko mentorstvo” nad genocidom, uporno pokušavajući izbjeći ono neizbježno – svoju vlastitu odgovornost za plansko, praktično učešće i političko i vojno saučesništvo koga je potpuno svjesna. [...]
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Anul 1940, an tragic în istoria românilor, a marcat sfârşitul graniţelor României Mari. Într-un context în care evoluţia ostilităţilor celei de-a doua conflagraţii mondiale a impus autorităţilor române o reorientare diplomatică, din mers, de partea Axei, politica internă fiind, de asemenea, afectată de considerente externe şi determinări care au adus atingere inclusiv coabitării populaţiei române cu una dintre etniile bine reprezentate în cadrul demografiei României , acest an a premers momentului care a marcat „fracturarea unei lungi convieţuiri”. Din această perspectivă considerăm utilă tratarea impactului evenimentelor din vara anului 1940 asupra locuitorilor de origine evreiască din Basarabia, condiţie a înţelegerii extinse a dimensiunii manifestării unui fenomen care a afectat poporul evreu la scară europeană.
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The study aims to analyze the reaction of legal systems to the convulsions in European society caused by the Covid-19 health crisis, the war in Ukraine and the revocation of abortion rights in the U.S. With a cross-cutting approach, the article seeks to leave in the reader's mind a non-exhaustive overview of the limits of his rights through the sometimes-disproportionate reactions of the state. Extraordinary events, however, they are not a novelty for humanity. The question therefore arises as to whether the "violence" of restrictive measures on fundamental human rights could be prevented. Then, by approaching a state of emergency as normal, have human rights undergone a transformation in their substance? From a subjective point of view, the study takes stock of the legal war waged by the international community against the armed war since the end of World War II. War sometimes waged in the name of human rights, through the belligerent events of Eastern Europe, proves to us that it is not over yet and new appropriate legal measures are required. What will be the legal consequences of these is another issue discussed in the article.
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Metropolitan Pimen Georgescu shepherded at a time when the Romanian Orthodox Church and our country have crossed a tense period through the prism of the First World War. During the Wars, the Church accompanied the military troops on the battlefield. In monasteries have been established orphanages, hospitals and charity societies that provided both, spiritual and material aid. Romanian priests contributed to the creation of the Romanian National State offering hope to the soldiers to obtain the Glory of our country.
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The study focuses on the concentration camp Loborgrad for women and children in Northwest-Croatia from the time of its erection in October 1941, till the deportation of nearly all of its internees to Auschwitz in August 1942. Its about 1500 mostly Jewish prisoners came from Bosnia (Sarajevo) and Nor-thern Croatia, apart from them were some Jewish refugees, among these many from Vienna, plus approximately 200 Serbian women. Before the deportations the latter were sent to Serbia or to Germany in order to perform forced labor. Apparently the camp was under the supervision of the ”Jews Department” of the Ustaša police, however the commander in chief Karlo Heger and the gu-ards belonged to the ethnic German group. Physical abuses are reported from the camp, during epidemics in 1941/42 up to 200 inmates died.
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At the time of the Second World War, Italian fascist military and civilian authorities carried out a thorough policy of Italianization in the occupied and annexed region of the eastern Adriatic. With the aim of a rapid realization of this goal, among other things, they created concentration camps for civilian internees in parts of Croatian Dalmatia. One of these camps was on the island of Molat in the Zadar Archipelago, through which by some accounts 10,000 individuals passed during the period of its existence from June 1942 to September 1943. But in this regard, what is uncertain and has been the subject of some controversy is the number of deaths that occurred at the camp. Namely, until now unsubstantiated claims of 1000 victims have been made, though recent research has only been able to establish less than 100 victims. Indeed the variance between real and fictitious death tolls at the camp in Molat is the reason why it was necessary to look at this issue in depth. The inflation of the number of victims, especially in postwar peacetime circumstances, until now as added to the difficulty in objectively assessing the real situation and directly functioned in creating an atmosphere of ideological-political commerce in victims due to so-called higher interests.
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One of the most acute problems of the war economy in National Socialist Germany was a lack of labour in industry and agriculture. Though Nazi planners through a series of legal measures paid close attention to a solution to this matter even prior to the outbreak of the war, it was reopened following the failure of the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. Taking workers out of factories and fields opened the question of labour supply in these areas vital to the war economy. Shortages in labour supply could only be made up by forced recruitment from occupied countries. Serbia was not an exception to this rule in occupied Europe. To achieve a more effective exploitation of labour supply, the Nazis introduced their own labour laws into occupied territory to drive production. Since they lacked adequate numbers of personnel in their occupation apparatus, they engaged the domestic administration to achieve the desired objectives. The population of Serbia was subjected to all the forms of forced labour which the Nazis applied to other occupied territories, from new labour laws to outright slave labour. The largest portion of forced labourers worked for German needs on the territory of Serbia itself, while the number of workers in Germany never exceeded 30,000-35,000 at one time. This represented less than half the number of workers that the occupation authorities planned to send to work outside of Serbia.
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In the last phases of the Second World War masses of people started to withdraw toward British positions in Carinthia. The majority of the refugees were captured before they crossed the Austrian border. A portion of those people that made it to Carinthia were handed over to the Yugoslavian Army by British forces. Their columns were turned back for the long march home, referred to as the “Death Marches” Passing through Slovenia these columns made it to Croatia. Behind them remained a large number of camps and mass graves. Using the extensive literature and available documents this article analyzes the camps formed on the march through Croatia (Mirkovci, Orosav-lje, Samobor, Jankomir, Kanal, Prečko, Maksimir, Karlovac, Čemernica, Sisak, Bjelovar, Lupoglav, “Danica” in Koprivnica, Osijek, Velika Pisanica, Krndija, Požega, Vinkovci). Numerous eye witness accounts tell of the daily experience of life in the camps – for the most part strict control of the camps, many citations, the sorting of inmates and the fear of being taken to the unknown, poor diet and unhygienic conditions, lack of medical supplies, and the general precariousness of one’s existence. Many available sources clearly demonstrate the strict control exercised by the newly established postwar regime over the territory of Croatia, or Yugoslavia.
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Forced labour in Serbia, in the first postwar years, appeared in specific situations and affected various social groups, and it was carried out in the conditions of revolutionary political change. During the time of liberation and immediately afterward “mobilization” appeared as a specific form of required labour, while in the later period work referred to as “required service” or “required work” received special significance. Failure to comply with these orders carried sanctions in terms or criminal or administrative penalties. Specific social categories, the war prisoners and Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans), who li-ved in camps were employed as forced labour and their freedom was restricted as a whole; other social categories were required to work through judgments of the courts and these sentences could be applied in jails or in freedom; a third type of required labour, which affected groups such as pensioners, occurred due to a lack experts, requiring them to accept various jobs in order to maintain their pensions. Regardless of the type of category, forced labour was in fact mobilized free labour, which was employed in numerous construction sites, mines, or other objects in fulfillment of the first Five Year Plan.
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On April 6th, 1667, Dubrovnik was hit by a disastrous earthquake. Seven nunneries were destroyed in the earthquake and the eighth, the Convent of St. Peter and Paul, burnt down in a fire that broke out as a consequence of the earthquake. The data on the number of casualties are contradictory; therefore, so are the data on the number of casualties among the nuns. Due to the vast number of casualties suffered by the nunneries and nuns, there was the issue of their fate after the earthquake. Archbishop Torres took advantage of the temporary absence of authority and decided to leave for Ancona together with the nuns. In his report on the journey he claimed that he had arrived at this decision because he deemed the nuns vulnerable as the government was not able to provide them with adequate accommodation and the necessary enclosure. However, one might argue that the archbishop, in making this decision, was actually more worried about himself than the nuns. As he was a representative of the head of the Church, should he not have stayed and provided spiritual comfort to the suffering population, especially, as he himself states in his report, because the survivors among the people were happy to see him alive? What prevailed was probably the fact that Archbishop Torres, just like any other foreign archbishop, was not satisfied with his post and had not been able to fully integrate in the town or with its people, the majority of which did not speak Italian. Maybe the fact that someone needed to take care of the nuns who had survived was his perfect excuse to leave the Republic. Although the nuns were extremely well received in Ancona and were opposed to an instant return home, the government wanted to bring them back as soon as possible. Apart from the intimate feelings of concern for their daughters, sisters and aunts, there were economic reasons that motivated the government as well. Nunneries had great shares in Italian banks and as long as the nuns were in Ancona the interest payments, which the government wanted to use for the reconstruction of the convents, were suspended. Patriotism may also have been a motivation for a quickest possible return of the nuns as the government wanted to have the nuns on their own ground, thereby showing that the earthquake had shaken them, but had not destroyed their ability to look after their citizens. Their eventual hurry in bringing back the nuns, whom they had, at first, accommodated at the Franciscan monastery in Ston, is also documented by the letters the nuns sent them, in which they mostly complained about the poor accommodation and food.
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The Croatian public has formed its opinion regarding Franjo Tuđman as a historian almost exclusively from sentences in a speech that he delivered in Zagreb in late February 1990 which seems to suggest that he believed that most Croats in 1941 supported the Independent State of Croatia. Although he dedicated more than three decades of his life to historical research on topics related to contemporary Croatian history, debates in the Croatian media and among Croatian historians are still often focused on those sentences, which have repeatedly been quoted without any reference to Tuđman’s other work or to why he included them in his speech. However, an analysis of the content of those sentences suggests that Tuđman was attempting to approach the foundation of the Independent State of Croatia as a historian rather than as a politician, but that he simplified the complexity of that historical event in his speech. Although some critics have alleged that Tuđman holds revisionist pro-NDH views, an analysis of his numerous works and public statements shows that he never adopted such views. He remained a vociferous critic of the NDH and the Ustašas [the Croatian is now regularly used in scholarly publications in English] from his earliest historical publications to the end of his life. He condemned Ustaša crimes openly and without any hesitation. However, as a historian who during the 1960s had dared to challenge some Party dogmas about World War II in Yugoslavia and in Croatia, he became the object of serious attacks by some powerful circles within the Yugoslav People’s Army, the League of Communists of Croatia/Yugoslavia, and Yugoslav and Croatian historians. Many of those who attacked Tuđman labeled him a nationalist and did everything they could to prevent him from publishing results of his research. His analysis of historiographic and political stereotypes that treated all Croats as Ustašas was closely related to his research on the NDH and the Ustaša movement. His efforts to contribute to an accurate estimate of population losses in Yugoslavia during World War II consumed much of his time and energy during the period from the mid 1960s to the end of the 1980s. He attempted to deconstruct myths related to these population losses and to promote research based on relevant sources and data. There is no doubt that the Jasenovac myth was one of the main foci of his research. Since the myths surrounding Yugoslavia’s war dead were supported by the Communist regime, Tuđman faced not only criticism of his research but became a dissident and the object of the regime’s repression.
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The duration and intensity of warfare in Yugoslavia and the Independent State of Croatia, the presence of significant occupation forces of the German Reich, Italy, and Hungary, and the activities of NDH Army, the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland (the Chetniks), and the People’s Liberation Army and the Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia / Yugoslav Army resulted in direct conflicts between the warring parties, which led to severe human losses among the soldiers and civilians alike. The irreconcilable ideologies and political and military interests in the armed conflict and the civil war multiplied the casulaties.
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Croatia began the transition from Communism to democracy on May 30, 1990, when the first multi-party Parliament was constituted. The amendments to the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SRH), adopted on July 25, cleansed the system of socialist legal terminology. Franjo Tuđman, President of the SRH Presidency, became the President of the Republic of Croatia and the main figure in Croatian politics. The process of constituting a new government was completed on December 22, 1990 with the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia. Croatia was defined as “the national state of the Croatian people and the state of members of other peoples and minorities, who are its citizens: Serbs, Muslims, Slovenes, Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, Hungarians, Jews, and others, who are guaranteed equality with Croatian citizens and the realization of their national rights in accordance with the democratic norms” of the United Nations and “the countries of the free world.” In relation to the 1974 Constitution, which was drafted in such a way that Croatia was “equally divided” between Croats and Serbs, the difference was in the listing of other peoples and nationalities, which relativized the earlier division. The attitude towards Yugoslavia was determined by the view that “the Republic of Croatia remains part of the SFRY until a new agreement between the Yugoslav republics is reached, or until the Parliament of the Republic of Croatia decides otherwise.”
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