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Kao što je poznato, pismo Divkovićevih izdanja, tako i velikoga Nauka krstjanskoga (VNK), otisnutoga u Veneciji 1611. g, višestruko stoji na razmeđu: uzusa ustavne, minuskulne i brzopisne ćirilice, ali i između uzusa staroslavenske i zapadne (latiničke) grafi je i ortografi je, između oslanjanja na fonologiju onodobnih bosanskih govora i na naslijeđenu staroslavensku praksu itd. Isto tako, Divkovićev VNK stoji i na razmeđu povišenoga i pučkoga, između rukopisa i nove tehnologije, još uvijek između srednjega vijeka i novovjekovlja, doslovce na rubu zapadne i istočne Europe, u kontekstu između latinske i crk venoslavenske tradicije u koji se uglavljuje književnojezični izraz utemeljen na narodnome idiomu.
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Albert Szenci Molnár (1574-1634) is one of the most popular and frequently researched 17th century Reformed intellectuals for contemporary scholars of Hungarian studies. No doubt, this eminent position in early modern intellectual history has a lot to do with Szenci Molnár’s own techniques of self-fashioning especially present in his often autobiographically inspired forewords to his works or in his diary kept in a personal manuscript-book together with his hitherto unpublished Loci communes among others. One of the most important aspects of this self-fashioning could be regarded as a Johannes Piscator-type project of reducing the intellectual interest to ‘universal Bible studies’ consisting of the preparation of dictionaries, grammars, revised Bible editions, psalm-paraphrases and catechisms in the vernacular instead of dealing with philosophy in general including ‘philosophia naturalis’ as well.
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In scholarly literature incantations are defined as set verbal units or phrases expressing superstitions that according to popular beliefs were thought to have a real effect. Incantations are probably the oldest folkloric expressions. Their origin dates far back to the Pre-Christian period. One of the earliest illustrations of their practice can be found in Persian sources. Incantations stemmed from primordial conscience according to which word and action were identical and through them one could make one’s wishes come true. Incantations are much older than prayers. They formed the basis of magical healing, love magic, driving away storms, fires and evil powers; they were part of wishes, carols and other ritual verbal expressions. Incantations differ from prayers in that that one is trying to reach the result directly, while prayer has only a mediating function, representing a link between man and God, an appeal with which a man turns to God awaiting fulfilment of his supplication. The older types of prayers used some elements of incantations. For example prayers against fever, for a good harvest and so on, in which the older pattern was only formally adjusted to the Christian ideas. For example, the person saying an incantation formula in its introductory and final part would stress that he is acting in the name of God, and there were various insertions, such as not with my, but with the help of God and so on.
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Magical practices in the books of miracles represent an interesting research topic that has not received much attention in Czech historiography. The topic is closely related to problems of miraculous sites and religious pilgrimages. Using mainly the methods of historical anthropology, the paper focuses on the manifestations of magical practices connected with Baroque miracles and associated with Marian pilgrimage places of the Society of Jesus in the Czech Lands.
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V jednom z najvýznamnejších centier nemecky hovoriaceho obyvateľstva Uhorska, v hlavnom meste Spiša – Levoči, sa počas dlhých desaťročí 16. a 17. storočia podrobne zaznamenávali výdaje a príjmy mestského hospodárenia. Vedúci funkcionári hospodársky, politicky a kultúrne vplyvného slobodného kráľovského mesta, ktoré sa už v polovici 16. storočia pokladalo za luteránske, viac ako deväť desaťročí precízne a zodpovedne viedli aj záznamy v tzv. Testamentbuch-u. Išlo o záležitosť miestneho významu, v ktorom hrali hlavnú úlohu zbožné hľadiská a rôzne zmluvne zakotvené povinnosti, a samozrejme, aj dobre chápané verejné záujmy. Tento unikátny prameň poskytuje osobitý pohľad na každodennosť ranonovovekého mesta, o fungovaní sociálnych a charitatívnych štruktúr, pričom tieto informácie majú väčší dosah než odraz vtedajšieho „dneška“. Ide o zvláštny doklad humanistickej mecenatúry, ktorý vznikol ako posledná vôľa jednej z hospodársky a politicky vysokopostavených osobností Uhorského kráľovstva, a ktorý si mestský magistrát prispôsobil svojim potrebám.
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Pre rod Thurzovcov, ktorý je mimoriadne bohatý na výnimočných ľudí, je charakteristickou vlastnosťou ekonomický talent. Vďaka nemu sa rod vyšvihol a celkom netradičnou cestou – dočasným opustením šľachtického stavu a prechodom k meštianstvu a potom opäť návratom do šľachtického stavu, ale už do aristokracie – sa dostal na najvyššie posty a v niekoľkých generáciách sa podieľal na politickej a hospodárskej správe krajiny. Okrem toho desať členov rodu a jedna žena boli županmi v stoliciach Pest-Pilišskej, Nitrianskej, Trenčianskej, Oravskej, Šarišskej a Spišskej. Okrem výkonu vysokých štátnických funkcií však spravovali aj svoje súkromné majetky a panstvá, od prosperovania ktorých závisela aj ich vlastná prosperita. V príspevku sa zameriame na panstvá a hospodárenie predposledných a posledných príslušníkov thurzovského rodu, ktorí žili a spravovali svoje majetky v prvej tretine 17. storočia, najmä na palatínov Juraja a Stanislava Thurzu a ich dedičov.
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Obdobie 16. a 17. storočia vnieslo do uhorskej spoločnosti nové impulzy v politickej, duchovnej, ale aj kultúrnej rovine. Medzi ne patrila aj sociálna disciplinizácia, ktorá spolu s centralizáciou a inštitucionalizáciou spoločenských štruktúr viedla k formovaniu absolutistického štátu. Jej duchovnými nositeľmi boli elity krajín, vďaka ktorým môžeme hovoriť o tzv. vertikálnej sociálnej disciplinizácii, ale ako je nižšie uvedené, nešlo len o jednosmerné presadzovanie záujmov zhora nadol.
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Práce, ktoré sa venujú dejinám genealógie, sa ani len nezmieňujú o tom, že aj významný historik 18. storočia Matej Bel patril medzi genealógov, a to napriek tomu, že Bel mal od začiatku naplánované, že v Notitiách, v historicko-geografickej práci, predstavujúcej uhorské stolice, sa bude venovať aj dejinám šľachtických rodov. Tento svoj plán – aj keď medzerovito a zlomkovito – aj splnil. Výsledky jeho práce genealógovia 18. storočia akceptovali, neskôr sa však bádatelia na ne odvolávali už len zriedkavo. Zhromaždené údaje bratislavského vedca, resp. jeho rozhodné predstavy v tejto téme si bádatelia, zaoberajúci sa dejinami tohto vedného odboru v 20. storočí nevšimli, možno pre encyklopedický charakter Notícií, ktoré sú na prvý pohľad tematicky dosť neprehľadné, a tiež možno aj pre ich nedokončenosť. V tejto štúdii by sme chceli napraviť toto poľutovaniahodné zanedbanie. Najprv preskúmame, v akej forme sa chcel Bel zaoberať dejinami rodov, a aké uhorské, alebo zahraničné diela a vplyvy ho podnietili k takýmto výskumom; potom prehľadne z celých Notícií – nielen z tlačených častí, ale aj z tých, ktoré zostali v rukopise – predstavíme výsledky jeho výskumov, resp. ich ďalšie využitie a citovanie v 18. storočí. V druhej časti štúdie sa budeme venovať analýze histórie rodu Thurzo z Belovho pera – čo je v skutočnosti dielo v diele, veď v opise Oravskej stolice, kde sa nachádza, zaberá takmer polovicu textu. Zároveň budeme venovať pozornosť aj metódam práce Mateja Bela, mož- nostiam a hraniciam ním prevedeného výskumu.
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V predloženom príspevku sa zaoberáme kostrovými pozostatkami príslušníkov rodiny palatína Juraja Thurzu, ktoré sa našli v krypte Oravského hradu, neboli však uložené v jednotlivých truhlách, ale poprehadzované a pomiešané v drevených debnách. Nie je presne známe, ktorí príslušníci thurzovskej rodiny tam boli pôvodne pochovaní, ani koľko ich bolo, pramene uvádzajú, že ich mohlo byť až 28, čo môže byť na neveľké rozmery krypty dosť prehnané. Kostry nám ochotne poskytli na analýzu pracovníci Oravského múzea P. O. Hviezdoslava v stave, v akom boli od 70. rokov 20. storočia, keď ich predbežne hodnotil nemecký antropológ dr. Herbert Ullrich.
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Oravský hrad patril medzi dôležité opevnené sídla rodiny Thurzovcov v období 16. a 17. storočia. Napriek tomu, že sa nezdržiavali na ňom rovnako často, ako napr. v Bytči, alebo na hrade Lietava, patril k dôležitému centru rozsiahleho Oravského panstva. Dôsledkom jeho významu bola skutočnosť, že Thurzovci sa postarali o jednu z najvýznamnejších prestavieb Oravského hradu. Zároveň môžeme povedať, že ich iniciatívou nadobudol hrad pôdorys a takú objemovú skladbu objektov, aká sa zachovala do súčasnosti. Prakticky zavŕšili stavebný vývoj hradného areálu, pretože mladšie úpravy hradu súviseli s odstraňovaním následkov tragického požiaru v roku 1800. O význame thurzovských prestavieb svedčí skutočnosť, že renesančná „thurzovská“ podoba hradu, bola prijatá v 50. až 70. rokoch 20. storočia za základnú východiskovú metodickú ideu pri Generálnej obnove hradného areálu.
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Using the example of two Czech intellectuals, the philosopher Tomáš G. Masaryk and the writer Josef S. Machar, the study approaches the process of the struggle for influence in the public space. In the middle of the nineteeth century, the intellectual was a very influential representative of the newly emerging middle-class liberal elites. He formulated their ideological bases and represented their political interests. Over time, party structures began to form and consolidate, with individualistic “independent” intellectuals replaced by disciplined career party members. The end of the nineteenth century, in the broader context of modernity, also brought a final clash between intellectuals and professional politicians, or more precisely between the advocates of independence and the followers of structured (party) authority. In the long term, the intellectuals were eventually forced to succumb in this confrontation, but certain engaged individuals still managed to achieve partial successes.
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The Audit of Tatar Estates was carried out by field scribe of the Grodno Region Jarosz Piasecki and Oshmyany scribe Jan Kierdej under a decree of King Sigismund III Vasa and in line with the Constitutions of the General Sejm of 1625 to 1631. It is an indispensable source of knowlege on the social and economic situation among the social group of the socalled Tatar “hospodars” (in the area of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania), who remained in land military service. The Tatars, who in the area of Grodno lived mainly in two villages alongside the Lasosna River, in Svyatsk, and in the villages of Demidkovo and Mikelevshchina, provided horses to the army under two banners: the Uhlan unit of the Grodno Banner and the Uyshun unit of the Troki [Trakai] Banner. The details of individual entries in the books from the Audit of Tatar Estates allow us to trace the evolution of land ownership of the Tatars, as well as to track the demographic changes in the Tatar community of the Grodno Region and the transformation of its socio-economic situation as a whole.
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The main focus of this paper is the analysis of the report of Johann Joseph Herberstein, the commander of the Križevci regiment and vice commander of Varaždin Generalate, on Bishopric of Svidnica (Marča) and the role of Bishop Gabriel Mijakić during the unrest in Krajina in 1666. Besides the reports of several bishops of Zagreb (Benedict Vinković, Peter Petretić and Martin Borković) as well as the reports of the several Jesuit priests on the unrest in Krajina, the Herberstein’s report is one of the most important historical documents for the research of the ecclesiastical union in the areas of Croatian-Slavonian Military Border as well for the research of Greek-Catholic Bishopric of Svidnica (Marča or Platea). According to Herberstein’s report, the main perpetrators of the earlier unrest as well as the unrest in 1666 were bishops of Svidnica and to them loyal priests and monks who had encourage local population by tendentious interpretations of their rights well known as Statuta Valachorum. Even more, Herberstein underlined the phony acceptance of the Church Union and the maintenance of the relations with orthodox patriarchs of Peć in spite of the fact that in order to be nominated the bishops of Svidnica they had to dismiss the subjection to the patriarchs of Peć and to stop the maintaining of any contacts with them. Due to the fact that Herberstein’s information are very similar to those of Peter Petretić, bishop of Zagreb, which can be found in his report from 1662, the author of this paper argues that Herberstein collected his information from Petretić’s report. Nevertheless, Herberstein put some of the responsibility for the unrest in Krajina in 1666 even on the Vienna court, because it has nominated the bishops of Svidnica from those candidates proposed by the local inhabitants, priests and monks, in spite of the fact that they could not reach the criteria of the Catholic Church as well as in spite that those candidates were bogus Greek-Catholics. Therefore, as the solution for the problems, Herberstein proposed replacing of the Bishop Gabriel Mijakić as well as the expulsion of those monks and priest who had just phony accepted the ecclesiastical union, and appointing of the new Greek-Catholic bishop of Svidnica more suitable to Catholic Church. Even more, the author argues that the Vienna court has not immediately reacted to the Herberstein’s report, but it was, together with other negative reports on Bishop Mijakić from 1667 and 1668, one of the arguments in replacing Bishop Gabriel Mijakić, although the official statement was that the bishop was replaced because of his role in the conspiracy of the Zrinski and counts Frankapani (1671). The reason for this different official statement was the fear of the Vienna court that the real reasons of the replacement of Bishop Mijakić – not accepting of the ecclesiastical union and maintaining the contacts with the patriarchs of Peć – would provoke new unrests of the Vlachs in Krajina. Therefore, the Vienna court had continuously underlined that Bishop Mijakić was punished by long sentence punishment because of his part in conspiracy of the Zrinski and Frankapani, for what there was no evidence at all. Nevertheless, the Vlachs had not forgotten him during his long lasting imprisonment and hoped that he would be freed and appointed once again for the bishop of Svidnica. This did not happen because Bishop Mijakić died in prison in 1686.
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The Evangelisti (earlier Tributinići, sometimes Vangelisti) kindred, by its is origin from Jajce in Bosnia, who after their arrival in Dubrovnik experienced their growth as well as ascend on the social scale just to become the Antunini – the highs strata of the citizens of Dubrovnik. The first member of the kindred was Gradoje Tributinić whose son Bielosav was married to Anđela, the daughter of Evangelista Moro, and was the founder of the family in Dubrovnik. The linage was continued by his son Brailo who married Patronila, the daughter of Luca Bratosalić, in 1443, as well as by Brailo’ son Evangelista, who married Rusa, the daughter of Thomas Alduardi, the official physician of the Republic of Dubrovnik, in 1469. The next generation of the Evangelisti kindred represents Gabriel, son of Evangelista, who married Margarita, the daughter of Benedict Bratosaljić, while his son, Evangelista Jr., who married Francisca Marina, the daughter of Antun Rugia in 1539, was the last member of the Evangelisti kindred who had male offsprings. Namely, his only son Gabriel Jr., who married Iva Mate Stay in 1595, had not any offsprings. After his death as well as the death of his unmarried brothers Marin, John, Damjan and Anthony in the 1620s, the Evangelisti kindred came to an end.
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The essay undertakes to enrich significant new research results concerning Croatian national symbols in connection with the less extensively researched sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: it introduces the earliest „copies” of the Croatian flag to the Croatian scholarly audience. Not only had the flag of Croatia an important role at the inaugurations (installatio) of Croatian-Slavonian bans but it was also present at Hungarian coronations and funerals of common Hungarian and Croatian rulers from the Habsburg dynasty after 1526, since the Kingdom of Croatia was one of the countries of Holy Crown of Hungary. The author has found several flags of Croatia represented in manuscripts and printed documents from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries – among others in Emperor Maximilian I’s (1493–1519) lately restored Triumphzug (1512–1515, Figure 1), in a colored, printed volume about the funeral ceremony of Emperor Ferdinand I (1556–1564) and King of Hungary and Croatia in Vienna in August, 1565 (Figures 6–7) and in the manuscript of the ordinance of Hungarian King Ferdinand II’s (1619–1637) coronation (Ordo coronationis) in Pozsony (today Bratislava, Slovakia) on July 1, 1618 (Figures 2–4). The flag portrayals of the latter served as models to the coronation flags made for the ceremony of the last Hungarian ruler, Charles IV (1916–1918) in late December, 1916 (Figures 11–13). Along with these instances lately the Hungarian historian successfully discovered the earliest remaining original flag of the Kingdom of Croatia so far (Figures 9–10). This was carried by a young Hungarian aristocrat, Count László Esterházy (1626–1652) at the Hungarian coronation of Ferdinand IV Habsburg in Pozsony on June 16, 1647. That is why it was preserved in the famous treasury of the family, which is nowadays kept and owned by Esterházy Privatstiftung in Forchtenstein Castle, Burgenland in Austria. Hopefully the essay also proves that a joint exploration and interpretation of the eight-century-old Hungarian-Croatian common history is only possible by close professional cooperation and by introducing the subsisting common Central European cultural heritage to each other.
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Im Herbst 1689 mußte das osmanische Heer nach etlichen Niederlagen viele strategisch wichtige Städte im Moravatal verlassen. Die Kaiserlichen drangen vor, eroberten die Städte Niş, Vidin und Üsküb und hatten auch Sofya bereits im Visier. Am 1. Oktober zog sich Sultan Süleyman II. von Sofya nach Edirne zurück. Am osmanischen Hof war man sich schon bewußt, daß dies der letzte Zeitpunkt war, eine gründliche und schnelle Reform durchzuführen.
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