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En plein essor de la lutte pour écarter l'oppression étrangère, la lettre de Garibaldi (3 février 1864), adressée au révolutionnaire Friggesy, confirme par son contenu, que seulement étant unis, les peuples assujettis par l'Empire Autrichien - Hongrois, pourront conquérir leurs liberté et indépendance. Dans cette lutte le grand révolutionnaire promet tout son appui.
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The War of Independence reflected in medals and decorative pieces in the collections of the Bacău museum
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Some pieces from the collections of the Museum of Bacău regarding the Union of 1859
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Costache Negri. Letters to C. Rosetti-Tețcanu
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As compared to the revolutionary events of Europe, the year 1848 was “rather colorless” in British North-America. Nevertheless, this was the year of the establishment of the responsible government in Canada, which was an event representing an important milestone in the constitutional history of the country, leading to the federative union of the British provinces of North America and the birth of the Dominion of Canada in 1867. The aim of the article is to review the early history of Canada from the British Conquest up to the establishment of the Great Administration in 1848.
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The 1846–1848 War between the United States of America and Mexico was a crucial event in the relationship of the two countries. It has had a long-lasting impact not only on their bilateral relations, but also on their history. In the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, signed on February 2, 1848, Mexico was forced to cede half of its territory (2.4 million square kilometres) to the United States. The paper discusses the causes, the course, and the consequences of the war as well as its interpretations in American and Mexican historiography and thus move beyond the misunderstandings, blames, exaggerations, and myths that have often characterized the views about the conflict.
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As Senator of South Carolina, John Caldwell Calhoun (1782–1850), former Secretary of State of the USA, paid close attention to the course of the American–Mexican war of 1846–1848 expressing his views of the conflict in several major speeches and private letters. In contrast to scholarship which has identified him either as a supporter or an opponent of the war and territorial expansion, this essay argues that his relationship to the war was ultimately defi ned by the ideology of restricted imperialism. As much as Calhoun was in support of the annexation of the sparsely populated north of Mexico, claiming its beneficial consequences for solving the problem of population growth in the USA as well as for the political system of the republic of Mexico, he was opposed to the conquest of the whole country. The major reason was that he doubted the Mexican people’s ability to establish a republic, primarily because of his low opinion of its Indian component. Furthermore, he feared the danger of the integration of a population with different cultural characteristics into a supposedly homogeneous American nation, also rejecting the idea of the subjugation of such a populace because of its subversive impact on American republican institutions.
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Which was the most important event of the year 1848 in the United States? Probably the discovery of gold in the American River, near present-day Sacramento, California. The news spread quickly and provided the impetus for the development of American economy, American democracy, feminist and abolitionist movements. The mining frontier played a vital role in subduing the continent’s infertile regions. The Gold Rush increased the tension of the Southern and Northern states. Californians wanted to bypass the usual territorial stage, and Southern politicians alarmed by this movement, arose in violent opposition.
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In 1854, a North American journalist, George Peck published a book based on travels undertaken in Australia and Peru in 1853. In his book, he dedicated a whole chapter to Charles Kossuth, a Hungarian captain, who possibly emigrated from Hungary to the United States after the defeat of the Revolution of 1848. In Peck’s book there is some information about his adventures in the Americas, and also about his career in Peru. He worked as the principal overseer on one of the Chincha Islands, the main source of guano deposits in Peru in the nineteenth century and he was known for his cruel treatment of Chinese coolies. The study tries to raise doubts and problems concerning his identity and name and also to present some details of his life based on the available documents
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The article deals with the largest publishing project of Adam Honory Kirkor (1819–1886), namely the Russia-wide ‘Novoye Vremya’ daily. In its early years (1868–1871), the newspaper, invariably associated with Russian nationalism, was one of the press organs that advocated Polish-Russian reconciliation after the January Uprising. In most cases, the numerous works about the principal publisher and editor of the daily pay little attention to the St. Petersburg period of his biography, and completely gloss over Kirkor’s political legacy. This article aims to fill this gap; its authors place the origins and functioning of ‘Novoye Vremya’ in the context of the debate on the changes that the Russian Empire underwent during ‘the Era of Great Reforms’ (i.e. in 1860s and 1870s). The principal focal points of journalistic discourse of that time were the transformation of society and of its structure and the ascendancy and development of nationalism: the ideological allegiance of individual press titles was predicated on their approach to these two phenomena. ‘Novoye Vremya’ formed part of the trend that was known as ‘the aristocratic party’, which wished to safeguard the existing social hierarchy (not least by preserving the dominant position of the privileged) and opposed the policy of Russification of the western peripheries of the empire under the guise of egalitarianism. The article presents the diary’s programmatic pieces, which are compared to those of the ‘Vest’’ newspaper, which was the propaganda outlet of the aristocratic party. It also discusses the arguments used by A.H. Kirkor’s opponents, both conservatives and liberals. Finally, the views stated by the newspaper are verified against Kirkor’s opinions that he formulated (openly or anonymously) after leaving St Petersburg. The source base of the article are the yearbooks of the newspapers ‘Vest’’, ‘Novoye Vremya’, ‘Vestnik Zapadnoy Rossii’ and ‘Golos’, as well as Kirkor’s understudied papers held in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow.
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In the Balkan plans of Austria–Hungary it was the geographical Albania that began to play a significant role at the turn of the century. The growing geostrategic importance of the region provoked the adoption of a new Albanian-policy from the Ballhausplatz. Through this new political agenda, the joint ministry for foreign affairs wanted to lay down the foundation of an independent Albanian state. As part of the new Albanian-policy, Lajos Thallóczy had started an endeavour to create the ‘Italo-Albanians’ of the Monarchy. On the territory of Austria–Hungary there existed four villages the inhabitants of which were of (North-)Albanian origin. Out of these villages it was only the Dalmatian Borgo Erizzo (Croatian: Arbanasi) where the ethnic Albanian dwellers had a good command of the Albanian language at the turn of the century, therefore the political experiment of Thallóczy was started exactly here. Based on a program elaborated by the Hungarian historian the state began to promote the idea of the Albanian nationalism among the local population and a college of education was established for training teachers for the Catholic schools financed by Austria–Hungary in the Ottoman Empire. The villagedwellers played an active role in the realization of the Albanian-policy of Vienna. Among other things, they supported the joint officials and officers learning Albanian in the primary school and in the college of education in Borgo Erizzo to build out their networks among the Albanians of the Ottoman Empire.
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On the occasion of the bicentennial anniversary of the Greek War of Independence, the present paper aims to briefly present the participation of Montenegrin volunteers in the revolutionary activities. Montenegrin volunteers’ participation is an interesting case study, as it is linked to the Balkan dimension of the Greek revolution and it offers insights on the impact of the French revolution in the region.
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In the present paper I explore those registers of Count István Széchenyi’s diaries that deal with his meals. The contextualisation of the texts offers various ways of approach and interpretation. On the one hand, the paper offers a view of everyday, mechanically repeated actions by presenting eating as a daily practice. Yet a similar daily activity for the Count was the keeping of his diaries, so the examination of the question of how and why he recorded his meals in the coprus of text is inevitable. Accordingly, the inquiry was simultaneously focussed on the text, the context and the intentions. The eating-related sections of the text cannot only be interpreted in the context of meal itself within the text. While the writer of the diaries mainly reflects on his social life, he also presents and even creates himself in these notes. The analysis consequently only deals indirectly with the problem of meals, for it also draws conclusions about the habits and personality of the diarist, as well as the diaries themseves.
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Frank Tibor: Viktória királynő kezeihez. Az osztrák–magyar kiegyezés brit tükörben 1865–1870. Bp., 2019.
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“We shape our buildings and then they shape us,” Winston Churchill said when the question of rebuilding Westminster and modifying the interior of the House of Commons came up and he expressed his support for preserving the former system.1 Thus, according to the prime minister, a seating plan both expresses and determines the character and operation of parliamentarism. In light of this interconnection, in this essay I examine the formal characteristics of the late feudal Diet in Hungary between 1790 and 1848, as well as the power relations of the estates and strivings as they found expression within this system.
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Rampart Nations: Bulwark Myths of East European Multiconfessional Societies in the Age of Nationalism. Edited by Liliya Berezhnaya and Heidi Hein-Kircher. New York–Oxford: Berghahn, 2019. 416 pp.
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The Matica and Beyond: Cultural Associations and Nationalism in Europe. Edited by Krisztina Lajosi and Andreas Stynen. Leiden: Brill, 2020. 367 pp.
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Medical knowledge reached a wider range of social strata in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Popular medical books described diseases and how to cure them, and the press regularly addressed the topic of having a healthy body. Meanwhile, representations of the perfect body became an increasingly important problem for neoclassical art. This case study investigates how Dániel Berzsenyi (1776–1836), one of the important Hungarian poets of the early nineteenth century, thought about the human body. For him, the representation of the body was, on the one hand, an artistic problem which raised questions concerning manners of imitation and, on the other hand, an artistic problem which was associated with the display of human virtues and thus with ethical discourse. Berzsenyi gave an account of his illnesses, which can be traced back to hypochondria, in a private letter. His self-analysis has three layers. First, his private letter could be read as part of a sensible epistolary novel. I argue that Berzsenyi introduced himself as a sensible hero, who was ill because of his own uncontrollable emotions. Second, hypochondria has a medical context. Considering the continued influence, in Berzsenyi’s time, of the ancient doctrine of bodily fluids, I demonstrate that this disease may have become a mental illness associated with poets. The reason for this is that the emotions entertained by the sensible man led to the emergence of physical symptoms which were associated with the hardly definable concept of hypochondria. Third, one’s relationship to one’s body could be a moral issue. Berzsenyi attempted to assert his own moral superiority by describing his own illness. Thus, his letter also fit into a moral context of the contemporary theoretical debates in which he was involved. My paper shows how aesthetics, ethics, and medicine were interconnected and how different forms of knowledge circulated between the forums of the arts and other social forums.
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The article focuses on interpretations of madness in early nineteenth-century Hungary medical practice from a comparative perspective. By relying on the methodological approach of the anthropology of writing and the analytical considerations offered by Michel Foucault’s 1973–1974 lectures on Psychiatric Power, the article discusses the formalized and standardized practices of case history writing. It draws on sources from the teaching clinics at the universities of Pest and Edinburgh, as well as the largest mental asylums in the Habsburg Monarchy in Vienna (est. 1784) and Prague (est. 1790), and the ideal type of mental asylums at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the York Retreat (est. 1796). In doing so, an attempt is made to reconstruct both the physicians’ gaze and (to a certain extent) the patients’ view, and by examining the therapeutical regime of each hospital and its correlations with the institutional background, uncover whether madness was perceived as a pathological somatic or psychological state in the medical practice of these institutions. This is in and of itself a fundamental question if we seek to understand changing attitudes towards the mad and their curability in a period of transition from a “world without psychiatry” to a “world of psychiatry,” when specialized care was still not an option for many, especially in the East Central European region.
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Empty Signs, Historical Imaginaries: The Entangled Nationalization of Names and Naming in a Late Habsburg Borderland. By Ágoston Berecz. New York–Oxford: Berghahn, 2020. xiv + 335 pp.
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