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This study aims to analyse the construction and dissemination of ideas about the ethnic composition of Hungary in scholarly discourse of the first half of the “long” 19th century. I have concentrated primarily on the texts that originated in the discipline of statistics (in German Statistik, Staatskunde). It was established in the last third of the 18th century in German universities, where it soon spread to the Austrian and Hungarian academic environments. Then I observed how different ethnic groups were represented in statistics and homeland studies, and which concepts were used in their categorisation. Specifically, I examined, in what context and with what significance were the concepts of nation, nationality, folk, used, or, more precisely, their German forms of Nation, Volk, Völkerschaft, and other words and phrases derived from them. In the period studied, the statistics of Hungary or the Austrian state, as well as most of the homeland studies analysed, were published mostly in German, which at that period took over the role of Latin as the language of science also in Hungary. The period’s ethnonyms were recorded by different variants. For example, in the texts subjected to analysis, Serbs were referred to using the ethnonyms Serben, Ráczen, Illyrier, Slovaks were referred to as Slowaken, Schlawacken, Sclawaken as well as using ethnonyms related to all Slavic tribes such as Slawi, Slaven, Slawen. Hungarians were denoted in statistics and homeland studies as Ungarn, Ungern, wahre Ungarn, eigentliche Ungarn, Magyaren, eigentliche Magyaren, Madscharen, Madjaren and so on. Therefore, the variant names as captured by the period’s sources are provided in the present study in parentheses, following the current ethnonyms.
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As it is known, in the revolutionary year of 1848 there were public agitations for civil equality in the Habsburg Monarchy. The revolutionary activists nominated themselves to be the leaders of national communities and on their behalf they presented their requirements. The requirement of national equality with a reference to the natural law of an individual results from a concept of the nation as a collective individuality. Some of the revolutionary leaders worked with this concept. It is evident that national communities were more fictive than real and their names in primary sources (in case of this text, it concerns the names: Slovaks and Magyars) are in fact references to the concepts of national ideologies and not the broad masses of that time’s population. This general statement also applies to the analysis of concepts of the nationalists speaking on behalf of the Slovak nation in the period after the constitutional experiments and after the dissolution of absolutism of the 1850s. The official documents presenting political programmes are the central source of knowledge about the concepts present in national ideologies. The main object of this study is the analysis of selected parts of two documents with political programmes - the first one from 1848 (The Demands of the Slovak Nation; hereinafter referred to as the Demands) and the second one from 1861 (The Memorandum of the Slovak Nation, hereinafter referred to as the Memorandum). These documents are necessary and essential elements of the Slovak nation’s ideology in the second half of the 19th century. In order to take into account the wider context I have chosen a few fragments of other historical texts of that time to complement the two central texts declaring political programmes. In addition to the above, a separate part of the study deals with the issue of historical reasoning about natural low and historical rights in the context of concepts existing throughout the Monarchy, and especially in the Slovak national movement in the 1860s.
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Jews were given a guarantee of equality by the Emancipation Act no. XVII/1867, which meant the same role for them like for all other citizens of Europe: to fulfil civil obligations and be loyal to the Hungarian statehood and the crown. They had to stop operating as a separate unit, that is, they had to suppress through reforms the cultural and ethnic particularities that distinguished them from the rest of the population and, consequently, to blend in with the majority, keeping their own religion at the most. Assimilation was intended as the consequence of emancipation and, in fact, its fulfilment. Such a liberal model, based on the Enlightenment ideals of the French Revolution, was in place everywhere in Western Europe. In the Hungarian intentions the assimilation had to take place toward the dominant ethnic Hungarian (Magyar) culture in order to strengthen its tenuous position within the boundaries of the historic Kingdom of Hungary, or, in other words, to increase at least statistically the number of ethnic Hungarians compared to other “nationalities”. In the beginning of the 20th century, Jews in Hungary amounted to about 6 % of the total population, which was a really high number compared with 1 % in Germany. The assimilation process in Hungary took place much faster than in Western Europe, or in less time, generally between the Compromise and World War I, and was most evident in the area of language. The difference was also in the fact that while the assimilation took place in the West in strong national cultures and modern economies, in Hungary it unrolled in generally less developed economic, cultural and political conditions.
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Mestská historiografia, písanie monografi í miest, patrí k tradičným postupom (regionálnej) historiografi e, vrátane slovenskej. Zväčša však ide (aj v súčasnosti) o „klasické“ spracovávanie jednotlivých úsekov vývoja danej komunity, sledujúce jeho sociálne, hospodárske, kultúrne, politické etc. aspekty. Iný prístup predstavuje chápanie a interpretácia mestských dejín ako segmentu kultúrnych dejín v zmysle dešifrovania urbánneho životného priestoru v kontexte dobových predstáv o usporiadaní spoločnosti. Vnímanie mesta ako miesta socializácie a priestoru pre napĺ- ňanie mnohorakých funkcií vo vzťahu k národnému hnutiu, či analýza reprezentácií mesta ako výsledku utvárania mentálnych (seba)obrazov sa však len pomaly dostávajú do kontextu výskumu nacionalizácie, aj to len v niekoľkých vybraných príkladoch: ako však ukazujú najnovšie publikácie týkajúce sa dnešnej Bratislavy, historického Prešporku/Pressburgu/Pozsonya, ide o metodologicky podnetný prístup. Čo ale ešte stále nie je predmetom širšie koncipovaného výskumu, je dôkladná analýza podmienok, v ktorých sa procesy nacionalizácie odohrávali a aké sociálne významné fenomény ich utvárali: relevantné boli totiž pre ne nielen osobnosti a politické idey, ale aj (alebo najmä) socio-kultúrny priestor. Tradične zdôrazňovaný rurálny charakter obyvateľstva charakterizovaného slovenským materinským jazykom a z toho vyplývajúce „špecifi ká“ utvárajúceho sa národného kolektívu (tradicionalizmus, paternalizmus...) sú totiž v protiklade k faktu, že všetky kroky vedúce k etablovaniu základných znakov národa sa viazali na mestské (meštianske) prostredie. V mestách fungovali významné školy, ktoré poskytovali nezriedka taký typ vzdelania, ktorý stačil na nájdenie uplatnenia v širokom spektre zamestnaní, v ktorých pôsobili národní aktivisti: neboli to len posty duchovných, ale aj celý rad úradníckych pozícií (nehovoriac o volených funkciách), s ktorými mohli vystačiť počas aktívneho života. Napokon, ani ten typ jazyka, ktorý bol pri kodifi kácii vybratý ako východisko pre spisovnú reč, nebol žiaden z hovorených dialektov „ľudového“ prostredia, ale kultivovaný jazyk hornouhorských (liptovských) elít (mešťanov, stoličnej šľachty).
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Predstavy o Slovensku, o jeho území, spojené s priestorovou identifikáciou, predstavujú zaujímavý a nie príliš často skúmaný fenomén v rámci slovenskej historiografie. Na prvý pohľad môže vyznievať uvažovanie o tejto otázke ako zbytočné problematizovanie niektorých aspektov slovenských dejín. Ak si však uvedomíme skutočnosť, že ešte na prelome 18. a 19. storočia definoval jeden z predstaviteľov národného hnutia územie Slovenska ako súhrn tých regiónov Uhorska, z ktorých pochádzajú čitatelia, resp. objednávatelia jeho novín, potom je táto otázka namieste. Eva Kowalská spomínaný proces sociálnej predstavivosti pomenúva ako postupné „vykrajovanie“ konkrétnych oblastí z rámca Uhorska, išlo teda o nepriame definovanie územia, na ktorom žilo etnicky slovenské obyvateľstvo. Napokon, na takomto princípe „vykrajovania“ je postavené aj vymedzenie Slovenského okolia, požadovaného v Memorande národa slovenského z roku 1861. Postupne kryštalizovala predstava Slovenska ako teritória ohraničeného geografi ckými, resp. prírodnými veličinami, ako územia, ktoré sa rozprestiera medzi Tatrami a Dunajom. Do istej miery nadväzovala na staršiu tradíciu situovania slovanskej pravlasti. Keďže územie Slovenska nemalo v predchádzajúcom historickom vývoji inštitucionalizovanú podobu, neexistovalo ani ako administratívna jednotka, jeho priestorový rozsah a vymedzenie sa defi novali pomene ťažko. Najjednoduchšia situácia bola v tomto smere na západe a severe, keďže v týchto dvoch prípadoch predstava ohraničenia slovenského územia viac-menej splývala s existujúcou krajinskou hranicou medzi Uhorskom a Moravou, resp. Uhorskom a Haličou. Na juhu a východe bola situácia odlišná, lebo slovensko-maďarská, ba aj slovensko-rusínska etnická hranica, sa nedala takýmto jednoznačným spôsobom uchopiť a defi novať. Otázka, čo to vlastne je územie Slovenska a pokiaľ na juhu a na východe siaha, zostávala pomerne dlhú dobu otvorená. Predstava užšej slovenskej vlasti (otčiny) ako národného územia Slovákov v prvej polovici 19. storočia kryštalizovala – a to je značný paradox – nie prostredníctvom uvedomovania a symbolického vytyčovania pomyselných hraníc, ktoré tento národný priestor obklopujú a vydeľujú ho zo širšieho rámca uhorskej vlasti, ale prostredníctvom imaginárneho stredu. Pre pochopenie tohoto neobvyklého fenoménu je potrebný exkurz do hlbšej minulosti.
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Slovenské politické myslenie je úzko späté so slovenskými politickými programami. V 19. storočí v súvislosti so šírením ideológie nacionalizmu bol politický program dominantný a politické myslenie bolo akýmsi sprievodným javom politického zápasu. Politický program formovala elita národa – jeho politickí a kultúrni predstavitelia – a tá istá elita sa pokúšala svoje idey formulovať v tlači i v samostatných publikáciách.
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Osud Slovenskej národnej rady (SNR) symbolicky pripomína vývin Slovákov v moderných dejinách. Jej minulosť predstavuje popretŕhanú a krivolakú cestu. Národná rada zo septembra 1848 nevznikla v honosnom paláci, ale v jednej z miestností nenápadného hotela vo Viedni, nezrodila sa z iniciatívy aristokracie a iných elít ovládajúcich spoločnosť a politiku, ale z iniciatívy vzdelancov dočasne nútených pôsobiť v emigrácii a motivovaných oveľa viac ideálmi ako osobnou ambíciou po moci, jej založenie nesprevádzal jasot verejnosti, ale ohraničovali ho možnosti uzavretého zhromaždenia. Táto SNR mala podstatne viac cieľov ako dosiahnutých výsledkov a úspechov. Tak v čase svojho krátkeho pôsobenia, ako aj po celé desaťročia bola domácimi i cudzími neraz spochybňovaná i zosmiešňovaná ako málo dôležitá. A predsa. SNR sa zakotvila v pamäti slovenskej vlasteneckej spoločnosti natoľko pevne, že tá ju vnímala nielen ako symbol národnopolitickej zvrchovanosti Slovákov, ale aj ako orgán, ktorý by mal prirodzene existovať ako dôležitý nástroj dosahovania ich politických cieľov. Hoci nie vždy dôrazne a hlasno, ale trvale uchovávaný obraz Národnej rady pomáhal udržiavať kontinuitu slovenského politického vývoja a politických programov i nachádzať argumenty v prospech národnej a občianskej emancipácie Slovákov.
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Pravidlá správania, ktoré dnes poznáme pod pojmom „právo“, v počiatkoch európskej (vrátane uhorskej) kultúry pôvodne splývali s neprávnymi pravidlami správania, vyjadrenými normami morálky, etiky či náboženstva. Právo sa teda nechápalo ako súbor „právnych viet“, t.j. primárne spísaných pravidiel záväzných z titulu štátnej autority. Bolo to skôr chápanie práva v zmysle subjektívneho „nároku“ na správanie druhých voči tomu, kto sa „práva“ domáha – napr. právo na odškodnenie spôsobenej ujmy. Hneď od 11. storočia sa síce v Uhorsku vydávali zákony, či spisovali zákonníky a knihy práv, bolo to však najmä pod vplyvom kresťanských panovníckych vzorov, a osobitne pod vplyvom kánonického práva a neskôr znovuobjaveného rímskeho práva. Ich primárnym cieľom nebolo skutočne vynucovať správanie zachytené v týchto kódexoch. Cieľom to ani reálne byť nemohlo, keďže neplatil základný predpoklad, že každý má možnosť a povinnosť poznať text zákonov. Zákony sa totiž vyhlasovali prevažne ústne, a ich písomná forma bola rozširovaná iba veľmi obmedzene. Panovnícky dvor ani predstavitelia miestnej správy preto nemohli očakávať, že obyvateľstvo sa bude spravovať textom prijímaných predpisov. Zrejme v tejto súvislosti drvivá väčšina uhorských normatívnych textov od 12. storočia upustila od snahy regulovať každodenný život obyvateľstva a zaoberala sa iba otázkami daní, či správy a vojenskej obrany krajiny, čo boli otázky rozhodované elitami na jej (stavovských) zhromaždeniach. Zákony predmoderného obdobia teda takmer vôbec neupravovali otázky tzv. súkromného práva, napríklad otázky vlastníctva, dedenia, zmluvných vzťahov, či vzťahov medzi manželmi. Táto problematika bola zverená lokálnym predstavám o spravodlivosti, panujúcim v komunite, v ktorej sa tieto pravidlá tvorili a aplikovali. Tak ako dnes v práve používaný pojem „dobrých mravov“ pri výklade svojho obsahu závisí od času, miesta a situácie, v ktorej sa vykladá a aplikuje, podobne aj predmoderné právo – ale v omnoho väčšom rozsahu – záviselo od času a prostredia, v ktorom sa tvorilo a vykladalo. Aj preto na území Uhorska mohlo platiť viacero „právnych poriadkov“, resp. presnejšie – rozdielne predstavy o tom, čo je právo a aký je jeho obsah. Táto skutočnosť je podstatou tzv. teritoriálneho a personálneho právneho partikularizmu, ktorého prekonanie, a teda podstatná modernizácia – zjednotenie uhorského právneho poriadku v zmysle „rovnakého práva pre všetkých“, sa spája práve s 19. storočím.
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Napriek tomu, že Uhorsko bolo v porovnaní s ostatnými krajinami v západnej časti Európy podstatne zaostalejšou agrárnou krajinou, aj ono nastúpilo koncom 18. storočia na cestu modernizácie. K zintenzívneniu modernizačných a reformných snáh došlo po roku 1740, kedy na trón nastúpila panovníčka Mária Terézia. Reformy, ktoré v nasledujúcich desaťročiach postupne zavádzala do praxe, boli nielen pozoruhodne konkrétne a mali ďalekosiahly dopad, ale boli aj predzvesťou konsolidácie a modernizácie monarchie. Územie dnešného Slovenska nebolo v tomto období samostatným územno-administratívnym útvarom, preto sa nemohlo vyvíjať ako samostatný hospodársky celok a ani si vytvoriť samostatný trh. Predstavovalo súčasť hospodárskeho priestoru Uhorska, ale zároveň bolo zapojené do hospodárskej aktivity celej monarchie, pričom v nasledujúcom období sa tieto vzťahy prehlbovali. Ekonomika habsburskej monarchie bola v období raného novoveku orientovaná prevažne agrárne. Prevažnú časť populácie tvorili roľníci, ktorí zaujímali najdôležitejšie miesto v hospodárstve, najmä v súvislosti s prvový- robou. Remeselná výroba bola upriamená na individuálneho zákazníka (spotrebiteľa), pričom sa produkovalo pre jeho potrebu. Výnimky bolo možné pozorovať na poli ťažobného priemyslu. Najmä v oblasti ťažby a spracovania kovov (zlata, striebra, medi), teda v odvetviach orientovaných aj na zhodnocovanie v rámci zahraničných obchodných vzťahov sa veľmi skoro vyvinuli protoindustriálne spôsoby produkcie. Uvedené súvislosti utvárali priestor, ktorý ovplyvnili nové teoretické myšlienky, ktoré sa začali rozširovať v druhej polovici 17. storočia.
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Nástup industrializácie a následný spoločenský a kultúrny rozmach Uhorska po roku 1867 motivoval zrod moderného staviteľstva priemyselného charakteru. Výstavba železníc, prístavov, ciest, mostov, priemyselných podnikov, poľnohospodárskych majetkov a novodobých mestských centier s administratívnymi budovami, školami, divadlami, nemocnicami, vojenskými objektmi, s obytnými štvrťami a s moderným systémom mestskej dopravy, vodovodov, kanalizácií, plynovodov, káblových rozvodov, plynární a prvých elektrární si vyžiadala vznik staviteľských fi riem, projekčných kancelárií a podnikateľských spoločností, ktoré využívali najnovšie technológie, materiály a stavebnú techniku.
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The book presents the results of new research in Slovak history in the field or period called “the long 19th century”, i.e. dating from the rule of Joseph II. in the late 18th century until the First World War. The focus of research was on the themes and domains which were either neglected in the past or needed reconsidering. The book centres on five fields and is composed of five chapters.
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In the nineteenth century the Bosnian Franciscans were bearers of modernization and cultural emancipation in their own country. Engaged in various disciplines and fields, as is seen in the case of Ivan Franjo Jukić, they fostered cultural and political development – including autonomisation in the literary field (as P. Bourdieu defines it), and connected it with broader social emancipatory tendencies. Culture as a secular field in the modernist movements overtakes the sacred (A. Assman): by analogy to religious practices,literature develops its canonical formation – naming distinguished authors, standardizing norms and values that could potentially mobilise and discipline a community. The hybrid nature of the cultural and political movement in the Illyrian movement helped the Bosnian Franciscans articulate their own polyvalent heterogeneous identity, which was continuously filtrated through unjust social relations and disposable emancipatory strategies in line with necessary social reforms.
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Prostitution or according to a modern definition "having sex with another person for money" has existed since the ancient times. From the Middle Ages up until the 20th century, periods when prostitution flourished followed those when it was forbidden and prosecuted. All these restrictive attempts were doomed to failure and authorities were eventually forced to resign themselves to the existence of the phenomenon. Prostitution can be registered (under the control of police and doctors), clandestine, or tolerated without any legal restriction. There are three key aspects: behaviour of a prostitute/male prostitute that is sexually significant for a client and which leads to the satisfaction of the client s sexual desire, money paid by a client and the third aspect is neutral emotional relation between a prostitute/male prostitute and a client. World of prostitution has all the signs of a marginal society and all the attributes of a social subculture. The attitude of the law to prostitution could take three forms: prohibition, regulation and abolition. Prohibition means that the law criminalized prostitution and prosecuted all those who were involved in it. The author analyses ordinances against prostitution and their effects in a historical perspective - from ancient Rome through the Middle Ages up until the Age of the Enlightenment. On the other hand, regulatory or constrictive policy tolerated prostitution as a necessary evil, but tried to regulate it by creating indispensable boundaries, within which prostitution could take place. It was not legal prostitution, but prostitution that authorities had to put up with. Regulation of prostitution involved setting up new specific institutions, curbing it into certain urban parts or areas and most importantly - getting it under regular police control and medical inspection. Prostitutes were registered at the police and were given health certificates or books, where doctors recorded regular medical examinations. In some countries, these regulations were incorporated into the law. The idea of the modern regulation, the French system, was put into practice for the first time in Paris, shortly before the outbreak of the French revolution. By the end of the 19th century, administrative and medical checkups of prostitutes had been established in most of the European countries. Reaction to the state regulation was the abolition movement, which was against the institutional forms of prostitution. It was based on a false premise that the main guard against prostitution is enlightenment, education, moral principles, alleviation of poverty and better conditions for getting married. The movement developed in the sixties of the 19th century in the Protestant circles in England and Switzerland, together with feminism and spread of women's emancipation One of the proponents of the movement in the Czech lands was Tomas Garrigue Masaryk. In 1919, a parliamentary debate on the bill about prostitution provoked a general discussion. It was the advocates of abolition who emerged victorious from the battle against supporters of state regulation. The law No. 241 called O potirani pohlavmch nem oci (On eradication of Venereal diseases) was passed on l l lhjuly in 1922 as the first abolition law in Central Europe. The problems started when the law was put into practice, because prostitution did not diminish, only became less safe. However inadequate and imperfect the previous police and medical control was, it was better than the complete absence of it. The objective of the law was not fulfilled: the number of people infected by venereal diseases did not decrease as expected, but quite the opposite - the number was on the increase. In the present, the growth of prostitution is the refutation of all the abolitionist arguments Existing situation in the Czech Republic attests to it.
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The paper discusses family and social realisation of women in Bulgarian smalltown from the end of 19th century til the middle of 20th century. Matrimonial model in such town after 1878 has been stressed: marriaging age, family structure and household structure, inheritance, gender relations.
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Relations between Serbia and Great Britain in the period between 1878 and 1886 depended on Serbian reverence of the initial principle of the British foreign policy concerning the Balkans. That principle meant necessity of maintaining of set of relations and territorial sharing stated at the Congress in Berlin. That practically meant to unable Russian return to the Balkans by all means, which was the greatest British rival at that time. Russian influence would be active and crucial in solving the eastern issue. According to this, Great Britain formed its attitude towards Serbia. Serbia would have been important for Great Britain only if it had framed Britain's system of relations in the Balkans, i.e. if it had revered Berlin's agreement or threatened its existence. Prejudices, which had been formed earlier in the British public opinion and official policy towards Serbia as a tool in Russian hands, were kept in this period, as well. Even the smallest attempt or form of co operation between the Serbs and the Russians were reported to the government by British deputies. The British government estimated this as a sort of a tiny riot of Pan Slavs in Serbia, and considered it to have been threatening for British influence on the Balkans. British policy did not interfere with political life in Serbia. Only if British interests were endangered, did it interfere and that happened mostly by strengthening those circles in Serbia which were adorers of Russia Political contacts and relations were rare, whereas those concerning economics more developed and more frequent. That confirms the thesis that Britain was more interested in Serbia in the field of economics than politics. Long relations have been existing and some are starting. The Serbs do not know much about Great Britain, its culture and history. Not many educated people from Serbia spoke English or gained education in Great Britain. The youth of Serbia went to Switzerland, Russia, Germany and France to be educated. In that time, the only people who knew a lot about Great Britain, spoke English and tried hard to make close relations between two countries were ^edomilj Mijatovi} and a publicist Nikola Jovanovi} Amerikanac. The similar situation was in Great Britain. Serbia was for English people unknown and far away country. There were many prejudices about the Serbs and their country. So it is not astonishing that public opinion in Britain at that time was that the Serbs were savage and primitive people. Eventhough personalities such as Gledstone, Mayson, Miss Pauline Irbi and Arthur Evans were not rare. There were more and more respected people who made efforts to enabling two countries and their people to get to know each other better. They also gave their best for making powerful political, economical and cultural relations. After the Congress in Berlin, a new page was opened concerning relations between Serbia and Great Britain. That marked more intensive co operation between the two countries, between Serbian and English people.
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Dolaskom austrougarske uprave počinje modernizacija društva bez dubljeg zadiranja u društveni ili bilo koji drugi položaj žene, ali otvaraju se nove mogućnosti i horizonti kombiniranjem starih i novih običaja. Austrougarski period karakterizira ukrštanje tradicionalnog i modernog, stranog i domaćeg, a proturječnosti ovih ukrštanja su se odrazile i na same žene, u slučaju da su i same bile akterke brojnih događaja ili dio opće populacije.
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Teaching of geography in elementary schools in Serbia in the XIX century is examined in the paper from the historical, pedagogical and methodological-didactic aspects. We believe that the study of this issue will contribute to the enrichment of historical and pedagogical-didactic knowledge of the teaching of geography as a forerunner of modern geography teaching in elementary school, as well as the clearing up of under-known facts from the history of the development of geography teaching in elementary school, but also the school and education in Serbia. The central issues of the paper are considered through a descriptive study of material from the primary and secondary sources and the theoretical analysis of the teaching problem: the representation of the subject of geography in the curricula, the goals and objectives of the subject, the organization of classes, tools, methods, textbooks, reports of the superintendent on the state of the geography teaching in elementary schools. Knowledge we obtained, we have tried to perceive in the context of the meanings they have for understanding and creating the modern conceptions of geography teaching in elementary school.
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