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Personalităţi ale Marii Uniri. Protopopul Târgu-Mureşului, Ştefan Rusu, figură importantă a ortodoxiei din Transilvania

Author(s): Răzvan Mihai Neagu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 08/2019

The most important and remarkable Orthodox archpriest of Târgu-Mureş was Ştefan Rusu. The relevance of this personality comes from his rich activity and the positions he held. He studied to become a priest attending the Andrei Şaguna Seminary in Sibiu, while in 1902 he was put in charge of the archpriest parish district of Târgu-Mureş, where he served until 1940. Ştefan Rusu was an important voice during the Romanian national movement and, as any prestigious Romanian intellectual; he was a member of ASTRA. During World War I the archpriest suffered the oppression of the authorities and he endured much humiliation from them. He was deported in the concentration camp of Nagymarton. After returning to Transylvania, Ştefan Rusu played his part in the Great Union and attended the memorable event from Alba Iulia. During the inter-war he had a decisive contribution to the process of nationalizing the administration in Mureş-Turda county, on Romanian bases. His greatest achievement is the Orthodox Cathedral „Înălţarea Domnului” from Târgu-Mureş, built between 1925 and 1934. Also, he was senator of the National Liberal Party having several mandates.

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Simeon Mîndrescu și Italia

Author(s): Dumitru Zaharia / Language(s): Romanian Issue: XI/1979

L'auteur a étudié les documents qui se trouvent dans les Archives Centrales d'Etat de Rome, Ministère des Affaires étrangères d'Italie et d'Etat Major de l'Armée Italien concernent la grande lutte des prisonniers de guerre originaires de la Transylvanie et Bucovine pour la réalisation de l'unité nationale du peuple roumain. Dans cette activité se remarque le professeur de l'Université de Bucarest Simeon Mîndrescu, qu'est arrivé en Italie dans le mois d'avril 1918, alors quand dans la Capitale italienne se déroulent les discussions sur la sorte des nations opprimés par l'Autriche-Hongroise. Depuis de son arrivée lui a commencé les préparations pour l'organisation des prisonniers de guerre roumains. D'abord a eu lieu la fondation du Comité pour l'unité roumain, qui a été suivi par l'organisation du Comité d'action des roumains de Transylvanie, Banat et Bucovine et en final le ministre Zupelli a signé le décret pour la constitution d'une légion roumain en Italie. La commande de cette grande unité militaire roumaine a été confiée au général Ferigo. L'activité de Simeon Mîndrescu en Italie a été intégré dans la grande lutte de la nation roumain pour la réalisation de sa unité national de 1918.

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A soknemzetiségű birodalmaktól a multietnikus nemzetállamokig. Kelet-közép-európai nemzet- és államépítő nacionalizmusok az I. világháború éveiben

Author(s): László Szarka / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2015

In the international historiography of the Great War there is a striking dichotomy between the interpretations of the history of memory in the Western and Eastern European countries. Starting from this situation of dualism the present study’s intention is to scrutinise the ideological profi le and political, respectively territorial aspirations of nationalisms in the dynastic empires between 1914 and 1918. Each multi-national dynastic monarchy among the belligerent Great Powers tried to pacify the small-national aspirations within the borders, at the same time each made eff orts to utilizing the separatists and independent movements in the home land of the enemy. On the basis of the international and Hungarian historical literature this work looks into the process how the idea of independent state-building among the non-dominant nationalities emerged and gained ground. In this work the national aspirations of Austria–Hungary are analysed with special focus on the national aspirations in the territory of the Hungarian Kingdom. According to the main conclusion of this evaluation the radicalisation of the Romanian, Slovak, Serbian, Croatian and Ruthen nationalisms could not have been managed and handled successfully by the Hungarian government because of its quick internationalisation, and having become a useful weapon in the war ’arsenal’ of Great Powers. Neither the Wilson-principle of self-determination did prove adequate or suffi cient to solve the national confl icts in Austria–Hungary during the Great War.

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Az Osztrák–Magyar Monarchia az I. világháború centenáriumának angolszász történeti szakirodalmában

Author(s): Enikő Gyarmati / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2015

The recent English and German historical literature about the role of Austria–Hungary in the First World War is reviewed by the present paper. In the first year of the centenary this work attempts to summarize the interpretations of the origins of the war, to highlight some notions about the historical responsibility between the belligerent countries, last but not least to enlarge upon the so called thesis of decline of the Dual Monarchy. Special attention is paid to the historical literature published in the last twenty to twenty five years including the newest hotly debated monographs from the last two–three years as well. As for the origins of the war, not only the long-term origins such as the contractual obligations of the alliances, militarism, imperialism and nationalism, but the short-term causes like the role of press, the deficiencies of the international relations, the coterie of decision makers are evaluated. The events and decisions of the July Crisis 1914 are also in the focus of the study. According to some historians the thesis of the long, organic decline of the Habsburg Monarchy is to be revisited. Until now the historical picture of an anachronistic multinational polity has been transferred by the general treatments in the English literature, although recent research carried out during the last thirty to forty years in many respects altered this old view. Consequently, the communication gap between historical syntheses and the results of special studies from different fields of historical disciplines is high time to be closed on the centenary of this seminal catastrophe of the 20th century.

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Szerbia a Nagy Háború kitörésének 100. évfordulója kapcsán kibontakozó történészpárbeszédben

Author(s): Mile Bjelajac / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2015

The discussions and controversies on “war guilt” and the origins of WW I have been lasting for almost century now. Debates have not only been focused on scholar matters as ideological and political reasons have had considerable impact on the scholar fi eld ever since. However, the once achieved consensus by historians over Fisher’s theses have been challenged recently by few historians. The new (old) claims that Germany or Austria–Hungary did not solely bear full responsibility for the outbreak of the WW I in July 1914 are welcomed today by certain European media and public. The new trends of revisionism have at least several common features: 1) actually no new pieces of evidence have been brought to the light by these works. Instead, the authors revive some interwar revisionists’ claims and arguments or misinterpret standard scholar accounts; 2) vehement rejection of the standard explanations how rivalry among the powers paved the road to the conflict, as well as why one or two among them calculated that summer of 1914 was suitable moment to settle accounts and regain dominance over the others; 3) in order to endorse their new (old) thesis and findings, some authors put aside or brush away everything that could challenge once established arguments and unfolded evidences by the selective usage of sources; 4) behind the slogan that all sides bear equal share of responsibility in 1914, there is a tendency to put particular blame on Serbian nationalism and its Russian endorsement probably of actual political reasons. When the supposed or even “decisive” role of Serbia is in question, the new wave put emphasis on several points. The authors have insisted that 1903 was the turning point when Serbia allegedly ceased to be Austria’s client and turned to Russia for the first time. In addition, that small country has persuaded its “Načertanije” as a “blue print” for its national goal from 1844 up to 1918 (Greater Serbia). There was no difference how Serbia handled national aspirations in the Ottoman South or in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbia was responsible for “exporting” nationalism and “terrorism” (Al Kaida style) and instigate its South Slav brothers on disobedience to the Monarchy. In other words no other national movement (inclusive Hungarian) has ever jeopardized Dual Monarchy, but South Slav. And “consequently” South Slav movement was not existing before 1903 (which is against facts). In addition, Serbian government was fully aware of the Sarajevo conspiracy and even was involved in planning (which cannot be proved unambiguously). For the purpose some authors do not hesitate to link Serbian Government and secret organization “Unifi cation or Death” (Black Hand), (although there was a great rivalry between them for power). According to these authors, there is no doubt that colonel Apis was the mastermind behind the plot in Sarajevo and young Bosnians were simply the tools. Some writers also put that Young Bosnia was only off shoot of the Black Hand in spite latter was created well after youth movement in Bosnia. Further on, the revisionists claim that throughout the July Crisis Serbia allegedly adopted fi rm and rigid attitude towards Austrian (modest and acceptable) ultimatum because she was encouraged by Russia (France and Britain). Serbia willingly risked European war. On the other side Austria had every moral right on revenge. To claim that “Serbia bore the greatest responsibility for the outbreak of WW I” and that “Serbian nationalism and expansionism were profoundly disruptive forces and Serbian backing for the Black Hand terrorists was extraordinary irresponsible” required many evidences to be put aside or brush away, on the first place all those dealing with Austro–Hungarian strategic planning on the Balkans or testimonies of the Austrians themselves.

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Szerbiában a helyzet változatlan. Az I. világháború szerbiai megítélése és a legújabb külföldi szakirodalom recepciója

Author(s): Ágnes Ózer / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2015

This paper gives an overview of the output of Serbian historiography on the 100th anniversary of the outbreak of World War I. Contemporary Serbian historians have recently begun releasing short and long form publications dedicated to this historic event, as a reaction to new historic works from the west. This is in response to new historical viewpoints which, according to Serbian historians, neglect the fact that Serbia was among the victorious countries in World War I, and that today’s historiographical views are under heavy influence from stereotypes of Serbia that arose during wars waged on the territories of Former Yugoslavia. In their opinion, the roles of Serbia and Gavrilo Princip in the events preceding the outbreak of the Great War are re-evaluated in that light. Differences in viewpoints thus became more striking by 2014, so eventually a drastic polarization of opinion took place, which was not based on the results of new research, but chiefly came from old, already published literature. Serbian historians from older and younger generations and those in-between, declared that there has been a paradigm shift in attitudes on the circumstances of the outbreak of World War I among western historians, and with that, the historical perception of Serbia, which used to be seen as a victor in the war, has substantially changed ahead of this jubilee. Judging by works thus far, Serbian historians largely defended their stance from a national angle, which can be interpreted as an existence of an ideological continuity in several views of the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences.

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Család és túlélési stratégiák az I. világháborúban. Hosszú távú változások a szlovák társadalomban

Author(s): Gabriela Dudeková Kováčová / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 2/2015

According to recent trends in historiography the author focusses on everyday life in the hinterland, presenting from a bottom-view the changes of mentality, interpersonal relations, mainly within families. She points at the fact that the war disturbed family planning and cycles, it prevented a lot of new marriages and births, and what is more, brought various illnesses and disability. From economic aspect the war changed the distribution of labour, in many cases women became breadwinners, their prestige and authority grew at their husbands’ expense. However, many women were forced to stay in paid work after the war because of the post-war socioeconomics crisis. On the other hand sexual indecency was evaluated inequally: while prostitution and violence in connection with soldiers remained taboo, women’ adultery often led to the dissolution of the family. The most important factor in changes of the gender order (position of men and women in the family and the society) was the democratization and secularization of the new post-war regimes. At the end the author looks over possible survival strategies, i. e. avoiding to join the unit, eff orts to get home at any cost from the front, while in the case of civil population ensuring everyday food and signs of demonstrative loyalty toward the authorities and the symbolic aspects of social and political life.

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Az I. világháború kitörésének okai és a szerb historiográfia

Author(s): Krisztián Csaplár-Degovics / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2015

The main thesis of this study is to draw attention to the fact that besides the great powers it was the small nationstates of the Balkans that could be held indirectly accountable for the outbreak of WWI. It does not mean, of course, that both groups of states carry the same weight of responsibility. This paper aims to stress that it was the Balkans and its nationstates that played the role of a catalyst in the outbreak of WWI. The theses above were elaborated in the publications and manuscripts I wrote during the period of 2011–2014 as the beneficiary of the Bolyai Research Scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (the project was titled “Between state, nation and locality: The history of Albania 1912–1914”). The arguments and points of view lined up are basically the results of my researching subjects which the historiography turned a blind eye to or neglected to consider seriously. My researches on Albania inevitably touched upon the history of Serbia, therefore, after reviewing my theses, I aim to give a concise summary about how the contemporary Serbian historiography interprets the outbreak of WWI.

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Az I. világháború és Oroszország nemzeti érdekei. A pánszlávizmustól a proletár internacionalizmusig

Author(s): Igor N. Grebenkin,Pjotr Akulsin / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2015

The “Pan-Slavism” doctrine was rooted in national contradictions in the 19th century Austro– Hungary, and by the beginning of 20th century turned into German great power propaganda concept. The Russian empire’s natural attraction to Slavic nations in Central and Southern Europe, combined with perception of “real policy”, failed to reach the level of a military-political doctrine to unite Slavic nations under Russian monarch’s crown. By the beginning of 20th century Russian state and political elite was convinced that Russia, in its contemporary internal state, was in great jeopardy of war, and its national interest was peacekeeping by all means. Russia’s imperial status didn’t let it stay apart from the all-European conflict, though the ruling dynasty’s interests definitely required to preserve the status quo. The information about the beginning of war with Germany and Austria–Hungary caused numerous patriotic rallies all around Russia. As the war was prolonged, the number of its victims and sufferings grew, and wide range of the population was getting convinced that the war was conducted by the ruling circles and wealthy classes for their own mercenary interests. The February revolution and the fall of the monarchy radically changed the perception of war and its perspectives in mass mind. The war issue split the society, set apart the society and authorities. The emergence of a new state paradigm was one of the distinctive results of World War I for Russia.

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Kitűnő lehetőség nemzeti jelképek kialakítására?

Author(s): Tamara Scheer / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2015

Austria–Hungary incorporated parts of the Balkans and the Adriatic coast where it had long faced the Ottoman Empire only to have the Ottoman opposition replaced by Italy, Russia, and Serbia during the nineteenth century. Austria–Hungary occupied Montenegro as well as parts of Serbia and Albania during the First World War. In the occupied countries its army sought to counter enemy influence, especially that of Russia and Italy. In enemy states such as Serbia and Montenegro, Habsburg authorities introduced bans on some cultural symbols, including the Cyrillic alphabet. In Albania, which was classified as an occupied friendly state, the Habsburg occupiers supported Albanian culture to diminish Italian influence, including for example the changing of place names. The article shows that even when the occupier held administrative authority, measures it enacted could fail. The primary reason for failure was not purely political but lay rather in the fact that the measures endangered the smooth functioning of the occupation regimes’ bureaucratic system.

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Bajkeverők. A Balkan Committee és a macedóniai reformok (1903–1908)

Author(s): Balázs Balatoni / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2015

The Canadian historian, Leften Stavrianos once wrote that „it is a curious paradox that so little is known of the organization which has played so prominent a role in Balkan affairs from the date of its establishment in 1903 […]”. The aim of the paper is to contribute to the history of a British pressure-group, the so-called Balkan Committee by examining its activities during the Macedonian Reforms (1903–1908). Ottoman Macedonia, the powder-keg of the Balkans, was one of the most complex crisis centres of pre-1914 Europe. After the disturbances in 1902– 1903 and especially after the Ilinden uprising, the Concert of Europe was about to introduce reforms in the three vilayets of Macedonia (Salonica, Monastir, Kosovo) which became known as the Mürzsteg Programme. Great Britain, as a main supporter of Concert diplomacy, supported Austria–Hungary and Russia, the two most interested Powers in the region, in their undertakings, as order and relative stability was a primary objective for British interests in the Balkans. The Balkan Committee was founded in such international context. Based on different primary sources (archival, parliamentary papers, the press, and published contemporary accounts) the author argues that the Balkan Committee was an institutionalized heir to the (pro-Bulgarian) Gladstonian liberal heritage. Moreover, the Committee’s approach to Balkan affairs reflects its radical-liberal members’ political objectives in domestic politics. The attempt of the Committee to influence decision-making process was decisive: the appearance of experts of Balkan affairs with personal experience and knowledge (with different national affiliations) became a crucial factor as it legitimated the Committee’s (and later other pressure-groups’) claim to dissent over foreign policy.

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Fennmaradni vagy elbukni?

Author(s): Enikő Gyarmati / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2015

Höbelt, Lothar: „Stehen oder Fallen?” Österreichische Politik im Ersten Weltkrieg. Wien–Köln–Weimar: Böhlau Verlag, 2015. 323 p.

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Európai háború 1914

Author(s): László Bíró / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2015

Popović, Nikola B.: Evropski rat 1914. Beograd: Fondacija Radost–Predstavništvo Republike Srpske u Srbiji, 2014. 109 p

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Meglátni a katonát

Author(s): Sándor Magyarosi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2020

Révész Tamás: Nem akartak katonát látni? A magyar állam és hadserege 1918–1919-ben. Budapest: Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont, 2019. 289 oldal

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The Balkan Wars and the emergence of modern military conflict, 1912–1913

Author(s): Liudmila Novoseltseva / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2020

The wars of yesterday. The Balkan Wars and the emergence of modern military conflict, 1912–1913. Ed. by K. Boeckh, & S. Rutar. New York2018

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A Csehszlovák Légió etnikai dimenziói

Author(s): Zsolt Jončev / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 4/2018

The Czechoslovak Legions occupy an almost legendary place in history. The Czechoslovak Legion were volunteer armed forces composed predominantly of Czechs with a small number of Slovaks fighting together with the Entente powers during World War I in pursuit of an independent Czechoslovakia. Their goal was to win the support of the Allied Powers for the independence of Bohemia and Moravia from the Austrian Empire and of Slovak territories from the Kingdom of Hungary, which were then part of the Austro–Hungarian Empire. The Legion in Russia was established in 1917. The study analyses literary works of Slovak writers who participated in the Legion, and presents the Slovak–Czech and Slovak–Czech–Hungarian relations, mainly conflicts within the Czechoslovak Legion.

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A szarajevói merénylet helye a történelemben. Az első világháború okainak kontrafaktuális elemzése

Author(s): Tamás Dudlák / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2019

This paper tries to define the role of Franz Ferdinand’s assassination (June 28, 1914) related to other possible micro and macro causes of World War I. The analysis relies on the counterfactual method that utilizes the oftentimes neglected potential of the “what if” question and highlights the alternatives in the decision-making process of an actor, thus broadening the perspective of the individual and making connection between micro and macro levels. Among the causes of the war, Franz Ferdinand’s death can be regarded as an important, but not indispensable factor. Based on the counterfactual method, I admit the possibility of alternative ways in every decision-making process and the ability of changing the flow of events and opposing the constraining nature of the structure (macro level causes that make the outbreak of war possible). This alternative way of thinking is what the leaderships of the pre-war societies lacked: after June 28, there was no individual having enough political power to turn the tide against the Zeitgeist (the macro level).

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Barta Róbert–Kerepeszki Róbert–Pintér Zoltán Árpád (szerk.): Az Osztrák–Magyar Monarchia és a történelmi Magyarország összeomlása 1918-ban. Konfliktusok és megoldási kísérletek

Author(s): Krisztián Bodnár / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2021

Barta Róbert–Kerepeszki Róbert–Pintér Zoltán Árpád (szerk.): Az Osztrák–Magyar Monarchia és a történelmi Magyarország összeomlása 1918-ban. Konfliktusok és megoldási kísérletek. Debrecen, Debreceni Egyetem, 2019, 172 p.

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„A király igazsága és a nemzet igazsága”. Egy 1903-as királysértési sajtóper tanulságai

Author(s): Réka Matolcsi / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2021

The paper explores the label suit for lese-majesty that was launched by the constitutional and historical work of Antal Kalmár in 1903. By analysing the case, answers are sought to the following questions: How did the political elite react to the series of lese-majesty? What do these reactions reveal about loyalty to the ruler at the turn of the century? Alongside mapping the various interpretations of loyalty, the paper also highlights the conflict management of the political elite, the difficulties of protecting the ruler’s prestige, and the features of oppositional politics.

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Praca dla Polski. Działalność niepodległościowa oraz udział Błażeja Stolarskiego w odbudowie struktur państwowych w latach 1914–1922

Author(s): Paweł Perzyna / Language(s): Polish Issue: 26/2020

The aim of the article is to present Błażej Stolarski’s participation in the creation of basis of an independent republic during World War I and the term of office of the Legislative Parliament on three complementary levels of activity. The first one refers to the conspiratorial activity and the development of political and parliamentary career of Stolarski as a member of the Polish Military Organisation and of the Provisional Council of State of the Kingdom of Poland, the Minister of Agriculture in the government of Jędrzej Moraczewski, as well as the president of the Polish People’s Party “Wyzwolenie” [‘Liberation’] and the head of its parliamentary faction. The second area of his interest, particularly relevant at the time of the reconstruction of the national identity and the institution of a sovereign state, concerns the issues related to the spread of education in society, the establishment of schools and libraries in the countryside and the development of district self-government. The third sphere of Błażej Stolarski’s involvement is related to his work in social and economic organisations, in particular in the Central Association of Agricultural Societies. Activity in the latter field had a deeper state-forming subtext, which came down to the formation of attitudes of attachment to an independent homeland among peasants, while obliging them to fulfil their state obligations.

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