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On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, the magazine "Osteuropa" publishes two special issues, "Experienced Red October" (9/1967) and "The World - 50 Years After Red October" (10/11, 1967). The present first issue deviates from our customs in two respects: instead of the present it is focused on the past, on the time around October 1917, furthermore it does not contain any investigations based on sources, but private recollections from eyewitnesses of the events of that time. Most of the authors are Germans, many of them longstanding members of the publisher of our journal, the „Deutsche Gesellschaft für Osteuropakunde“, or even their predecessor, the German Society for the Study of Eastern Europe, who here for the first time hand over their memories of that time to the public.
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On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, the magazine "Osteuropa" publishes two special issues, "Experienced Red October" (9/1967) and "The World - 50 Years After Red October" (10/11, 1967). The present first issue deviates from our customs in two respects: instead of the present it is focused on the past, on the time around October 1917, furthermore it does not contain any investigations based on sources, but private recollections from eyewitnesses of the events of that time. Most of the authors are Germans, many of them longstanding members of the publisher of our journal, the „Deutsche Gesellschaft für Osteuropakunde“, or even their predecessor, the German Society for the Study of Eastern Europe, who here for the first time hand over their memories of that time to the public.
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On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, the magazine "Osteuropa" publishes two special issues, "Experienced Red October" (9/1967) and "The World - 50 Years After Red October" (10/11, 1967). The present first issue deviates from our customs in two respects: instead of the present it is focused on the past, on the time around October 1917, furthermore it does not contain any investigations based on sources, but private recollections from eyewitnesses of the events of that time. Most of the authors are Germans, many of them longstanding members of the publisher of our journal, the „Deutsche Gesellschaft für Osteuropakunde“, or even their predecessor, the German Society for the Study of Eastern Europe, who here for the first time hand over their memories of that time to the public.
More...
On the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution, the magazine "Osteuropa" publishes two special issues, "Experienced Red October" (9/1967) and "The World - 50 Years After Red October" (10/11, 1967). The present first issue deviates from our customs in two respects: instead of the present it is focused on the past, on the time around October 1917, furthermore it does not contain any investigations based on sources, but private recollections from eyewitnesses of the events of that time. Most of the authors are Germans, many of them longstanding members of the publisher of our journal, the „Deutsche Gesellschaft für Osteuropakunde“, or even their predecessor, the German Society for the Study of Eastern Europe, who here for the first time hand over their memories of that time to the public.
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authors: Constantin-Peter von Landau-Grüningen; Ernst Kiwull; S. S. Podolinsky; Werner von Harpe; Heinrich Roemmich; Alexandra Stolypina
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In this article, an attempt was made to answer questions about the place that the attitudes and activity of the generation growing up in the Kingdom of Poland occupied in the reflection and actions of polish political elites, concentrated in groups and environments, operating in Polish lands in the first dozen years of the twentieth century – during the period appointed in Congress by the outbreak of the Revolution of 1905 and the school strike and the expiration of the program boycott of the Russian school. In the text, the reader will find answers to two fundamental questions: how did the political parties relate to the attitudes and public activity of this young generation, assess its political maturity, as well as the value and effectiveness of the actions taken by young people? What place for representatives of the young generation predicted politicians in their own partisanship and what role did they allocate to them? The above analyses covered public appearances and the press of the most important polish political groups of the time: the National Democracy, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania (SDKPiL) and conservative circles. On the basis of the research, it should be noted that the conservatives condemned the “immature” representatives of the younger generation of the Kingdom of Poland, participating in the strike and boycott of the Russian school, remaining opponents of the idea of revolution. The nationalists saw in the strike a manifestation of a “reckless” rebellion against a “realistic” policy. Socialists welcomed the political activism of the young generation. However, the dogmatic attitude of the SDKPiL was characteristic, which was different from other groups on the left. The party supported the involvement of young people in the fight “on the streets” for the victory of the revolution, while the school strike was regarded as noteworthy when it intensified the “revolutionary uproar” and when young people raised social slogans. Social Democrats, on the other hand, opposed a subsequent boycott, undertaken in the name of national and educational slogans, when a wave of revolutionary speeches fell – which could favor the sympathies of young people, directed towards other Polish political groups.
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On the eve of the World War I many countries and peoples of Europe were involved in actions to eliminate foreign domination and win the national independence or autonomy. Following the assassination in Sarajevo, Serbia was soon placed at the center of events that led to the outbreak of the First World War. Austria-Hungary has considered it necessary to punish the Serbs for war and triggered a pressure on the Romanian Kingdom government to obtain its participation in a possible war in the Balkans. Even if the Serbian government accepted almost all demands of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the World War I could not be prevented, a war that would end with the birth of both the Great Romania as the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Their achievement was recognized by the peace treaties of 1919-1920, important documents for the official recognition of the new international order in Europe.
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György Bernády has become known to posterity as the founding Mayor of modern Marosvásárhely/Târgu Mureş, its Lord Lieutenant as well as a prominent politician during the interwar period. The aim of this article is to present the peculiar “Szekler” identity of the city’s political discourse during György Bernády’s politically active years. During his ten-year term as Mayor, between 1902 and 1912, the town discards its rural character, becoming a city on its way to modernization. Also, it is the period when the “Szekler question” becomes a highly disputed issue and starts to find a way through the daily political discourse. During WWI Bernády was also appointed State Secretary responsible for war refugees, and after 1919 he returned from Budapest to Transylvania, which became part of Romania, where he served as a leading figure of the Hungarian minority party. During this time the “Szekler question” and its various forms were used as defensive political communication strategy of that time.
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This study aims to propose a new perspective on the organization ofpublic officials in social and professional elite, starting from research of thelegislative construction of this important institution for the modernization ofRomania. The foreign influences are also subject of our interest. We havechosen a chronological presentation taking into account the three categoriessubmitted to analyze: prefect, director of the prefecture and district chief. Theinconsistency of Romanian legislators with regard to the prefects was alsoobserved in the successive changes of the names of the function of district chiefand director of the prefecture. This presentation of the legislation highlights theduties of officers of the central government at local level.
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Hungarian historiography has always shown great interest towards the libraries and archives of Istanbul. Starting from the second half of the 19th century Ármin Vámbéry made the first steps to secure access to Ottoman sources for Hungarian historians and experts. Later, between 1907 and 1911, Imre Karácson conducted research in Istanbul. His journal provides a detailed look into his correspondence with accomplished Hungarian and Turkish researchers of that time, everyday life in Istanbul, political struggles, the birth of Turkish historiography, the foundation of the Turkish Historical Society and the debates surrounding it. Karácson witnessed the Young Turk Revolution in Istanbul, the ascension of the new Sultan and his girding with the Sword of Osman, a ceremony equivalent in significance to coronation. He took photographs of the celebrating crowd and the march with open carriages with his own camera from the ship that took the new Sultan to Eyüp. The primary source for present study was the journal of Imre Karácson, the original manuscript as well as its typewritten version. Out of the several interesting topics discussed in the journal I’m focusing on the events in Istanbul from the Young Turk Rebellion, more specifically the second declaration of the Ottoman constitution (23 July 1908) to the dethronement of Sultan Abdul Hamid II (27 April 1909) and the ascension of Sultan Mehmed Resad V.
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Tóth László: Kézdiszék 1917-1920 forgatagában. Szemtanúk visszaemlékezéseinek tükrében. Tortoma Könyvkiadó, Barót 2020.
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The author presents a general view of the past of the Monastir vilajet as it is seen from the title, paying special attention to the questions and problems which are connected with the Serbian history. The paper presents relevant data, official archive and valuable memoire material on general situation and social and political circumstances in Turkey among its Christian subjects, first of all, between Macedonian Serbs and Bulgarians and their relationship which had been the most important factor that influenced the situation in Turkey, i.e. in Monastir vilajet. In eight chapters, the paper examines Turkish administration, work of Egzarhija and VMRO and their work on Bulgarisation of the local “Srboman” – the “Patriarchists”, i.e. the Macedonian Serbs, their resistance to the Bulgarisation, the work of the Serbian national municipalities, schools and churches under the jurisdiction of the Residence of the Patriarch, creation and development of the Chetnick movement for the defense from violence and murders of the committee groups, the role and importance of Bitolj, Prilep, Kruševo, Poreč, Kičevo and Debarski Drimkol for the state and national politics of Serbia in Macedonia. Special attention is paid on the attacks of Egzarhija, Macedonian committee VMRO and their aggressive assaults on all “Srboman” villages; data on prominent men with Serbian national commitment, the most famous personas of the Serbian church and school organization, as well as the participants of the movement, etc. The paper refers to the period from the end of the 19th century up to the Young Turkish revolution. This period represents only a part of the Serbian history in Macedonia.
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In November 1918, as in other countries in Central and Eastern Europe, a large wave of violence swept across the territory of the crumbling Kingdom of Hungary. Soldiers returning from the fronts played a key role in the acts of looting that were committed everywhere. At the same time, many of the soldiers joined the various paramilitary policing units that were being formed. In the traditional historiography, one finds essentially two attempts to explain the behavior of these soldiers. Left-leaning interpretations have tended to characterize the events as precursors to an early agrarian socialist revolution, while more nationalistic interpretations have seen them as the first steps in a national revolution. Drawing on archival sources which until now have remained unused, this essay discusses the background and motivations of the soldiers involved in the looting. It then analyses the circumstances surrounding the formation of law enforcement guard forces and the motivations of those who joined these forces.
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Vielfalt ordnen: Das föderale Europa der Habsburgermonarchie (Vormärz bis 1918). By Jana Osterkamp. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2020. 531 pp.
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Milan Rastislav Štefánik: The Slovak National Hero and Co-Founder of Czechoslovakia. By Michal Kšiňan. London–New York: Routledge, 2021. pp. 300.
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