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In the interwar period, Hunedoara district had population movements outside and within the county. These population movements were almost permanent and caused great concern among local government. Documents from that period speak of a generalized vagrancy. It overlaps the issue of criminality, which means civil crimes and actions against the state. Anyone could be considered a vagrant, possibly a criminal, if he could not prove his domicile within the county. They were suspected of vagrancy many workers, monks, evangelical pastors, sports hunters, prostitutes, tourists. The very difficult situation politically and socially explains this attitude. The nomadic Gypsies were in this typology because they did not have a home and often did not have a stable occupation to prove.
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Cast iron was becoming increasingly popular in the mid-19th century in both construction and transmission design. The rich foundry traditions of the Końskie district, which belonged to the Old Polish Industrial Region, were mostly built up by plants developing at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. Particular attention should be paid to the Stąporków Foundry and the Piotr Ławacz, Szai Kronenblum and Józef Mintz plants in Końskie. This article focuses on the analysis of only a fragment of an assortment characterised by interesting forms. Oven doors can be divided into three categories of designs based on: historicising ornament, Art Nouveau motifs, and geometric forms. The models presented in this article were duplicated in the assortment of all factories. Their popularity in the market of the time was immense, as evidenced by numerous surviving examples.
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The present paper focuses on the travel notes by Michel Vieuchange (1904-1930), a young Frenchman who decided to reach Smara, a holy Muslim city located in the middle of the desert, to describe it, and to draw a map. His notes are to be analysed through the prism of autobiogeography. The term used by Michel Collot means telling your life through the places that has affected you. In the case of Vieuchange’s notes the geographical descriptions intervene with the description of the personality of the traveler and form a whole. The paper shows that three cities, Tiznit, Tigilit and Smara, mark three stages of the travel and correspond to different aspects of Vieuchange’s personality.
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Alexandru Cazaban is known more as a writer and journalist and less as a lecturer of the Romanian interwar public radio. In this paper I have highlighted its radio contribution, identifying the number of conferences held on radio, but also the number of conferences existing in the Written Archive of the Romanian Broadcasting Society. In the detailed presentation, the paper is limited to analyzing the text of a single conference and is based on a subjective selection, given by the interest in the topic approached by the author, which refers to the behaviors of a part of the Romanian rural population from the interwar period.
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This study outlines the position of German universities in the Czech Lands after the Munich Agreement on the secession of Czech border areas of 30 September 1938. A short introduction explains the situation in the autumn of 1938, when various German officials issued a number of proclamations and memorial volumes in which they expressed their views on the subject of German schools either remaining in their current locations or moving to the ceded areas (Liberec/Reichenberg), eventually even to occupied Austria (Linz). The core of this study consists of an edition of four documents from October and November 1938, in the original German version, which are presented to the public for the very first time in extenso.
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The article reveals the peculiarities of the Process of Transition of the UPR Army soldiers interned in Poland, to civil status and their departure to Czechoslovakia and France during the 1920s. Because of the numerical reduction of internment camps, Ukrainian combatants faced the need to adapt to living conditions in their civil status and further socialise. Most of the UPR Army junior officers were well aware of the need to continue their studies, and in particular to obtain higher education in European universities, which enabled them to have a certain status in their host countries. In an effort to prepare to enter the higher schools of European countries, this category of the former military united into camp student communities. During 1922–1923, many of their members managed to enter Polish universities or go to study in Czechoslovakia, which opened up prospects for acquiring new professions and thus finding their place in life, getting well-paid jobs. Some Ukrainian public and charitable organisations functioning in Poland and Czechoslovakia rendered them significant assistance. The process of the camps’ termination in Kalisz and Szczypiorno was quite long, which afforded Ukrainian veterans an opportunity to develop adaptation mechanisms and adapt to independent life as political emigrants in Poland. In the new environment, the former internees did not stop communicating among themselves, forming public and combatant organisations. At the same time, a significant part of the former internees did not see further prospects while staying in Poland and preferred to relocate themselves in other European countries. Meeting their wishes, the Ukrainian Central Committee in Poland took care of organising their departure to France, which was used by a large part of the former internees.
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Leta 2022 mineva 100 let od vzpona fašizma na oblast v Italiji. Fašizem kot politična ideologija in gibanje se je v Italiji krepil vse od začetka dvajsetih let 20. stoletja, politično prevlado pa je dosegel s pohodom na Rim, ki se je zaključil 28. oktobra 1922. Vodja fašistične stranke Benito Mussolini je naslednji dan, 29. oktobra, s strani kralja Viktorja Emanuela III. dobil pooblastilo za sestavo nove vlade, 31. oktobra 1922 pa je tudi uradno prišel na čelo italijanske vlade, kjer je ostal dobri dve desetletji (ventennio fascista).
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In a similar way to his composer colleagues, most of them from Bucharest, Țăranu consistently followed a European path, which at the same time has solid roots in the Transylvanian traditions and in Enescu’s composition. In my text I will refer to the whole generation of the sixties, their mentors and the radical views of the young composer. Education by composers who began their careers in interwar Romania, Enescu’s legacy and decisive steps towards the avant-garde are the main layers of Țăranu’s compositions. It was important for me to integrate this clear voice into the choir of his contemporary Romanian composers, many of whom were good, solid friends.
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Albanians with a predominantly Muslim population, had the privilige of being one of the ruling-nations of the Ottoman Empire alongside the Turks for five centuries. While Türkiye, under the leadership of Atatürk, followed a completely independent policy after the establishment of the republic in 1923, Albania, in the absence of a leader like Atatürk, made concessions to Italy and under the influence of that country transformed from Republic to a Kingdom. The Italians prevented Albania from joining the Balkan Pact, and later on invaded the country. Zog, the King of Albania abandoned his crown and his throne with his two-days-old son and his post-partum wife and sought refuge first in Greece and then in Türkiye. The original contribution of this article to the literature lies in the fact that it is the first work to examine the two-months long (May 03-July 01, 1939) forced stay of the deposed King in Turkey. Since no documents can be found either in the Turkish Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the Republican Archives of the State Archives on King’s forced stay in Turkey, this study is based on the articles published in the Turkish newspapers of the era. This study is limited to King Zog’s asylum in Turkey, and do not discuss issues such as the reflections of the occupation of Albania on the Turkish press or Turkish foreign policy, as they are the subject of other scientific studies.
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The Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists formed a network of emigrant organisations in Europe and North America. Expansion towards the Balkans was a natural course of influence for the organisation – both because of its proximity to Soviet Ukraine and the presence of Ukrainians in the countries of that region, but financial and, above all personnel constraints allowed for very modest activities in this area. The Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists met with little support in the Balkans, unlike other places, mainly due to the poor material situation and poor national awareness of the Ukrainians who lived there. The aim of this article is to supplement the existing knowledge of the activities of the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists in the Balkans based on the report of an inspection trip Yaroslav Baranovs’kyy made at the turn of June and July 1933.
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The article basically aims to shed light on the efforts of the Caucasian peoples to establish a state and unity, especially on the axis of the Caucasian Mountaineers, and their activities emigration activites during the turbulent years of the world. Today, Turkey is home to North Caucasian community representing about 10% of its population. Although this ratio represents a small percentage of the Turkish population, it has a very different meaning for the peoples of the North Caucasus. If we consider that the population of genuine North Caucasians today is half of the population of the diaspora and that only Russians, Cossacks, and other settlers live in many parts of the North Caucasus now, the meaning of the North Caucasian diaspora in Turkey can be understood much better. Although the North Caucasian ethnicities in Turkey were the victims of large-scale assimilation, especially during the first fifty years of the republican regime, they are still of great importance to their homeland. We witnessed the most striking example of this during the 1992–1993 Abkhaz-Georgian war. Within the scope of this article, we will examine the events that developed in the North Caucasus in the years between the revolutions at the beginning of the 20th century and the world wars, and the influence of Turkey and North Caucasian immigrant community in Turkey on the course of events. We also submit the issue of a Confederative Union of the peoples of the Caucasus to the attention of the reader from the perspective of North Caucasian Mountaineers.
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One of the features of the Social Welfare Department of the interwar Riga Municipality was the division of the inmates of social welfare institutions according to national and religious affiliation, which was a legacy of the asylums founded in the 19th century. The article is based on the biographies of three female managers of the Riga municipality’s minority asylums for the disabled: Baltic Germans Emilia Tiedeman (1880–?) and Emma Goerke (1865–?) – and also Latvian Orthodox, who managed a Russian asylum, Eizhenia Arent (1871–1939) and their career path to higher positions in the Social Welfare Department of the Riga Municipality. Although 81% of the staff in the Social Welfare Department of the Riga Municipality were women, most of them were employed in lower positions than male colleagues and very few women were managers of children and disabled persons’ shelters in social care institutions. Minority women, unlike Latvian women, were even less likely to become managers of social care institutions. The common trend among both Latvian and minority women was that men were more often appointed as managers of children’s shelters. For the three women, analysed in the article, the focus on social care work was a continuation of family tradition, most often the work of the husband after his death.
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Ignacy Matuszewski declared himself a supporter of Józef Piłsudski’s political camp relatively late, namely at the turn of 1917 and 1918. He was quickly promoted in both the formal and informal hierarchy of this camp. As soon as in December 1918, he became an intelligence officer and little over half a year later, in July 1920, became the head of the intelligence. Thus, he turned into one of Piłsudski’s closest associates during the Polish-Soviet war and gained a trust loan for the future. After Piłsudski regained power by a coup d’état in May 1926, Matuszewski worked in responsible positions in diplomacy. In the years 1929–1931 he was the head of the Ministry of the Treasury. His cooperation with Piłsudski was positive, even despite the ongoing great economic crisis. In the spring of 1931, however, Piłsudski ordered the removal of Matuszewski from the government and refused him any opportunity to work in diplomacy. The reasons for this change of position are not entirely clear. Most likely, it was caused not so much by Matuszewski’s limiting the budget for the army as by his doing so in the absence of Piłsudski and without obtaining his consent. In Piłsudski’s opinion, this was a breach of the rules in force in his power camp and the highest expression of disloyalty. Despite this, Matuszewski remained faithful to Piłsudski’s ideals until the end of his life.
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This article aims to name and place women as active participants in foreign affairs and to offer a case study through the research of autobiographical documents. The Latvian Foreign Service from 1919 to 1940 had 575 paid women employees in civil service positions, both at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in diplomatic and consular missions abroad, but only 16 held the highest positions open to women at the time, namely the posts of secretaries, 1st and 2nd class, due to the domination of a patriarchal model in which women were given a subordinate role. The involvement of the Grosvalds family women in the foreign service presents an almost complete picture of women in Latvian foreign affairs in the first decade of its existence, and their autobiographical material is hitherto unrecognised, though essential and diverse, especially the diary of Margarēta Grosvalde. The autobiographical evidence, such as letters and diaries, adds an extra layer for research and allows observation of the foreign affairs scene through the gendered lenses of typist, secretary and envoy’s wife, something which had not been done before. The research presented in the article demonstrates conclusively that women were present in, not absent from, diplomacy in the era preceding their full inclusion in the national diplomatic service in the later twentieth century.
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Adopting the close reading approach for the case studies of two female social activists and their biographies, this article is an investigation of the outcomes for women candidates under an electoral system that differed from the closed list system used in other European countries. In Latvia, a flexible lists system was in use, and the result of this was gender specific: due to the crossing out of candidates’ names by electors, women were elected very rarely. The objective of the article is to examine the kind of voting tactics and affiliations that were deployed by female candidates from mixed-sex political parties in order to win popularity among non-party women’s organisations and succeed in being elected to parliament. The politician Milda Salnā (1886–1970) was the only woman whose candidature was put forward for the position of Minister of Welfare in 1925. The other female politician, Berta Pīpiņa (1883–1942), is the only woman who became a Member of Parliament under the flexible lists system.
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The purpose of this paper is to capture some relevant episodes from the effervescent musical life of Cluj during the interwar period (ennobled by Enescu’s recitals), based on certain biographical stages and events from the (instrumental, chamber and symphonic) compositional and musicological activity of Vasile Ijac from Banat (1899-1975), who completed his professional training at the composition school of the Cluj Conservatory – where he studied with Maestro Marțian Negrea –, and forged an outstanding teaching career at the Timisoara Conservatory. The paper also includes references to the pre-university institutions of Cluj where he worked as a teacher, as well as significant passages extracted from the chronicles published in the pages of local periodicals, which complete the atmosphere of high spirituality of a cosmopolitan burg with an opulent cultural tradition. The appreciations of Nicolae Ursu, a coryphaeus of the national folklore and a prominent representative of Romanian choral composition and conducting, present in those years in Cluj, outline the personality of Vasile Ijac, the father of symphonism in Banat, a former student of the Schola Cantorum in the City of Lights, winner of the ”George Enescu” National Composition Prize
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The economic development of the area near the river Bârzava facilitated a demographic expansion in the inter-war area of Reșița, thus, as a subsidiary, the hotel industry, an important branch of tourism, managed to place itself in an auxiliary position, fitting naturally into the mundane landscape. Competition from tourist establishments was manifested in their ability to attract customers, which implicitly led to the need to implement internal policies to raise standards, specifically with regard to the quality of service provided. In Caraș County, 18 hotels were identified in 1931, while in 1935 the number dropped to 16. As regards the hotel industry in Reșița in the interwar period, a number of 7 locations were noted. The Hotel Oltenia, under the patronage of the UDR, the Hotel Regele Ferdinand and the Hotel Restaurant Dacia, often frequented by ethnic Germans, were considered the most representative options in the preferences of those staying on the banks of the Bârzava. All of them had a restaurant attached to them, offering guests a complete package of services: accommodation and meals. In addition to hospitality services, the restaurants also hosted various social events, cultural events, charitable activities and parties on the eve of certain holidays or commemorative dates. Without being considered, in itself, a tourist attraction, Reșița, has found the resources to manifest the typical local hospitality, through stylish and welcoming accommodation, thus offering positive premises for an unforgettable memory.
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After the establishment of the Romanian administration in the region of Banat, the sanitary and medical situation in Timisoara improved a lot. The sanitary reports of the time reflect this situation, but at the same time they also highlight the shortcomings that the city was still facing, such as the housing crisis, the malnutrition, the alcoholism which, along with other factors, led to an increase in the evolution of social diseases. The improvements made regarding the provision of an appropriate hygiene and sanitary care in the city on the shores of the Bega River, included: the start of the works for the installation of the public lavatories, the inauguration of the asylum for the poor, the popular bath from the Scudier Park, the steam baths, as well as the swimming pools and the private sport clubs. In addition to these, in the sanitary reports of the second quarter of the 20th century, was expressed the necessity for the establishment of an appropriate system of social housing for workers, in order to assure workers in different industries with the main sanitary-hygienic norms and provide them a minimum comfort and well-being, encouraging steps in this direction being already carried out with the awareness of these needs and the setting up of bathrooms with showers, sinks with faucet and changing rooms, as well as dining rooms in over 200 industrial units. Undeniable testimonies on the concerns regarding the provision of a proper hygiene and adequate medical care in Timisoara and not only, are provided by the documents from the archive of the State Hospital in Timisoara, located in the collection of the History Department of the National Museum of Banat, which contain numerous information regarding the activity of this medical institution, but also regarding the activity of Timisoara's Hygiene Laboratory. In Timisoara, many personalities and organizations of the time in the field of medicine were involved and fought to achieve goals that aimed at inscribing this city on the path of modernization and curative and therapeutic innovation specific to the 20th century.
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The popularity of US President Woodrow Wilson among the representatives of European states being formed or reunited ,,on the ruins” of former multinational empires (Austro-Hungarian dualist, tsarist or Ottoman), as well as the ascendant, at least economically, in a first stage, of the States United Nations on the European continent after the First World War also led to the emergence of an international body designed to safeguard peace and mediate conflicting relations between its members, the League (Society) of Nations, based in Geneva, which was also to replace traditional diplomacy (,,behind closed doors”). The rescheduling and, subsequently, the suspension, for a limited period of time (through the Hoover Moratorium), of the payment of war reparations by Germany, which considerably affected France, the Austro-German customs union plan, the contradictory positions between the states industrialized and agricultural ones regarding the solution of the economic crisis, the failure of the Conference on Disarmament, etc., were just a few signs of the imminence of a new conflict on a global scale. To these were undoubtedly the ineffectiveness of the Briand-Kellogg Pact and the Litvinov Protocol, as well as the 1926 Soviet-Germany Treaty Extension Protocol, for an indefinite period of time. The revisionist states of south-eastern Europe (Hungary, Bulgaria and, later, the USSR) had, during the period studied, the unconditional support of a great totalitarian power, which practiced a revisionist and revengeful discourse (Italy). In this unfavorable international context, the states of the Little Entente, counting on France's help, ,,gathered their ranks”, in other words they reacted – in categorical terms – to all attempts to circumvent the provisions of the peace treaties concluded in 1919-1920 and undermining the role played by the League of Nations in the peaceful settlement of disputes between the states of the world. More than ever, it was necessary to reorganize the alliance and consolidate it on the military component, but with a defensive character, which was accomplished during 1933. In the meantime, the Little Understanding as a whole, or only a few of its components, participated in international economic conferences dedicated to solving the world crisis. The States of the Small Entente were to enter, together with other Danubian states, into a series of economic federations, considered ,,saviors” (customs unions, preferential customs tariffs), at the proposal of the Great Powers, but disputes between them regarding the fairness of the plan each and the categorical opposition of some of the states directly concerned have led to the unfortunate failure of these projects. In conclusion, in the second half of 1931, the Little Entente, a regional alliance made up of Romania, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia, represented a single voice, listened to, not only heard by the Great Powers and feared by the revisionist states of Eastern Europe. The main objective of Romania's foreign policy, throughout the interwar period, was to maintain the borders drawn at the end of the First World War, shared by all political parties, except the Communist Party, affiliated to the Third International. The transformation of the League of Nations into a hopeful defender of peace and stability, as well as the promotion of regional alliances (the Little Understanding and the Balkan Entente) will aim to discourage revisionism in Eastern Europe. The resumption of relations with the Soviet Union, the Small Entente Agreement, Romania's participation in the Disarmament Conference, the rescheduling of war reparations of the defeated states in the First World War influenced, to a certain extent, the Romanian foreign policy coordinates during this period, but its guidelines they remained the same: peace, collective security, maintaining the territorial status quo, disarmament, friendly relations with neighbors and, first of all, with the great Western allies (France and Great Britain). In the pages of the newspaper The West were presented and analyzed, with much competence and objectivity, the main aspects of the Romanian-French relations in the second half of 1931, insisting on the economic projects advanced by France to save the agricultural states in the central area and Eastern European. At the same time, some asperities appeared in the relations between the two countries, determined by the tendency of some governmental circles, coordinated by Constantin Argetoianu, to establish privileged economic relations with Germany. Political, cultural, technical-scientific or other relations were not omitted, which were still maintained at a very high level.
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