Ángel Alcalde, War Veterans and Fascism in Interwar Europe
Review of: Ángel Alcalde, War Veterans and Fascism in Interwar Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2019, 314 pp.
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Review of: Ángel Alcalde, War Veterans and Fascism in Interwar Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2019, 314 pp.
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The relevance of the work is determined by the fact that the study of the biographies of individual representatives of the intelligentsia in the context of the activities of state systems allows us to evaluate large-scale historical events from the point of view of an ordinary person. The authors set the task: the study of pension problems of A. A. Dostoevsky (1863-1933), the writer’s nephew, against the backdrop of the historical events of the early 1930s. Documents on his pension provision stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation were used as the main sources. Initially, the Academy of Sciences of the USSR filed a petition for granting to Andrei Andreevich an academic pension for long service, which was rejected due to the lack of Soviet scientific experience. The Academy of Sciences repeatedly petitioned for fixing a personal pension of federal significance for the scientist, which, while requiring exceptional services to the state, did not establish additional conditions for the length of service. After the documents were considered, a conditional conclusion was made on the possibility of assigning a pension of this type to the applicant, taking into account his own scientific works and the fact of kinship with F. M. Dostoevsky. However, in the end, A. A. Dostoevsky was assigned the least prestigious pension on disability of the second group on a general basis. The reason for this was the fact of his arrest in 1930 on the “Academic Case”. A. A. Dostoevsky was posthumously rehabilitated in 1989. However, in the studied documents, with reference to his own biography, information about his rehabilitation in 1931 with the right to live in Leningrad is provided. Thus, despite his release from places of detention, suspicions of disloyalty to the Soviet authorities did not allow to grant Andrei Andreevich a personal pension. But he was not left completely without state material support, perhaps his kinship with F. M. Dostoevsky played a role in this. In conclusion, the authors state that the Soviet pension system of the early 1930s largely depended on the political situation, and draw attention to the unresolved issue of the primary rehabilitation of the writer's nephew.
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The article aims to define the key elements of the “intellectual demobilisation” in the Franco-German relations of the 1920s. The author proposes his version of the chronology of this process, demonstrates the essential means of the “intellectual demobilisation” and the forms of its realisation, finally, he gives a brief estimate of the results achieved by the end of the first post-WWI decade. By the “intellectual demobilisation”, this article conceives the variety of factors and circumstances linked to the activity of the social, cultural, lobbying organisations, the media, the intellectual associations aimed to lessen the level of mutual animosity and hostility between the French and German societies. Taking into account the paucity of the Russian historical research on this theme, the author tries to define the framework for the more detailed studies in the future. The research concludes that the process of “intellectual demobilisation” in the Franco-German relations of the 1920s developed in the non-linear way. The attempts of reconciliation were rather rare in the first post-WWI years. The perception of the mutual hostility between the French and the Germans dominated. The first ones, as the victors in the First World war, were regarded as revengeful, while the second ones, as the defeated side, were perceived as remaining aggressive and not prepared to bear the burden of the responsibility. The events of 1924-1925 which were marked by the efforts of the rapprochement between Paris and Berlin after the Ruhr crisis and culminated in the Locarno treaties, were critical. As the official contacts became warmer, the activities of French and German intellectuals received a new impulse. Nevertheless, by the beginning of the 1930s, the results of this process were contradictory, and the perspectives gave ground for anxiety. It is possible to notice that, even if the attempts to organise the “intellectual demobilisation” between France and Germany after 1918 were not doomed, by the end of the first post-WWI decade, their fruits were fragile, and the potential for further development was limited.
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In this article, we report the results of a comprehensive study of how criminal prohibitions were drafted in the early period of the Soviet rule and what outcomes they are associated with in the Soviet criminal policy of late 1917–1919. To analyze the constructivist paradigm of social phenomenology of law, various methods were used: formal dogmatic, historical and legal, discursive, hermeneutic. A careful investigation of the related normative acts and major doctrinal writings by the most prominent scholars and politicians was carried out. The results obtained prove that the prohibitions enforced by the Soviet state were aimed to develop a new system of criminal justice, thereby upholding law, order, and security. Of special importance is the finding that the principles of criminal law were elaborated in an inductive way despite the attempts to systematize, structure, and revive the past system of criminal legislation. Another interesting conclusion is that the lawmakers of that time were focused on creating a separate corpus of the elements of crime. By having done so, they established the norms of the Special Part of the Criminal Law and contributed a valuable material for subsequent synthesis and compilation of the General Part of Criminal Law. Our research is of particular relevance for both historical and legal studies of the formation of the Soviet criminal policy. It also specifies the use of the constructivist paradigm to explore the history and features of criminal law.
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The paper is based on reports of the U.S. special representative on duty in Central Europe, Arthur Wood DuBois, on Slovenia and Croatia from December 1919 and May 1920. During his two visits, DuBois made four reports from the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes that specifically viewed the situation on Slovenian and Croatian territory, where his interlocutors were leading officials in the Provincial Governments in Ljubljana and Zagreb. His visits took place during two different and politically opposed governments, so DuBois had the opportunity to hear representatives of two political options, the centralists and the federalists. The emphasis of the paper is placed on DuBois’ account of difficulties in foreign policy relations of the Kingdom of SCS and Austria, communist activity, and differences in the political and national characteristics of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs.
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The article presents the profiles of three pre-war historians of The Catholic University of Lublin who worked in The State Archives in Lublin at the same time. After a short presentation of their biography contains an analysis of their contribution to the development of the Lublin archives. Finally, the names of post-war employees of the University who worked in the Lublin archives were mentioned.
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In a context of internecine conflicts, mass murder and exploitation within the Nazioccupied General Government in Poland, the idea of chess as a popular non-political pastime became untenable. The motto of the World Chess Federation FIDE, gens una sumus, was nullified in the social hierarchy between the German perpetrators of terror and their victims among indigenous communities. In the “gray areas” of everyday culture any shared interest in the game was suppressed by rigid boundaries. Supported by the chess enthusiasm of the Governor General Hans Frank, top players from Germany were attracted to participate in a series of chess tournaments with world class professionals like the World Champion Alexander Alekhine and his rival Efim Bogoljubow. Both were officially employed by the Propaganda Department and, like their fellow-travelling elite competitors, they benefitted from the privileges of a dominant small minority. In the chief cities Kraków and Warsaw and other district capitals chess clubs were organized for the military and civilian German residents. Other communities, except Ukrainians, were excluded, but Polish players found avenues for playing the game, be it on the level of privacy or even in contact with German players. While they were barred from any organized sports, they persisted in playing the game in cafés and clandestine meetings. The inhabitants of the Jewish ghettoes were, on a few occasions, permitted to organize chess matches. The regional minorities of Ukrainians were, in hopes of enhancing their collaboration with the Nazis, encouraged to organize their sports and games, particularly in Galicia. The propaganda press of the Kraków administration provided chess columns in Slavonic languages. Personal contacts in chess matters could never be completely suppressed. Altogether, the complexities of the situation led to a profusion of contradictions that defied any complete control by the occupants.
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Review of: Zaur Gasimov: Warschau gegen Moskau. Prometheistische Aktivitäten zwischen Polen, Frankreich und der Türkei 1918-1939. (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte des östlichen Europa, Bd. 95.) Franz Steiner Verlag. Stuttgart 2022. 371 S. ISBN 978-3-515-13262-6.
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Review of: Maciej Zakrzewski: Rewolucja konserwatywna - przypadek Polski.Myśl polityczna środowiska „Buntu Młodych“ i „Polityki“ 1931-1939. [Die konservative Revolution - der Fall Polens. Der politische Gedanke im Umfeld des „Bunt Młodych“ und der „Polityka“.] (Biblioteka Myśli Politycznej, Bd. 138.) Instytut Pamięci Narodowej - Ośrodek Myśli Po-litycznej. Kraków 2021. 626 S. ISBN 978-83-66112-45-2
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The following contribution presents the activities of the Yugoslav Creditors Protection Society in Zagreb and the Society of Industrialists and Wholesalers in Ljubljana in the interwar period. The two organisations focused on protecting the interests of creditors in the Yugoslav economy and strived to recover as much as possible from the debtors for their members. The Societies would meet their objectives through the efforts of several departments specialising in the specific aspects of insolvency, from archiving documents to providing legal assistance to creditors. They also maintained connections with other similar associations in Yugoslavia and abroad. Furthermore, they were politically engaged and strived to modernise the Yugoslav economic legislation, especially regarding bankruptcies and compulsory settlements. Both Societies were still active during World War II, but they closed down soon after.
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In the following article, the author focuses on the historical population censuses in the Habsburg Monarchy and the Kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia. She begins by introducing the legislation and the census method and then analyses the individual censuses and census headings. The final part of the article is devoted to a critical review of the collection and analysis of census data. It explores what the new digital data processing methods allow for and focuses on the importance of methodology.
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The article shows the threads inspiring the ecumenical vocation of one of the basic authors of Catholic theology dealing with the issues of ecumenism, Yves Congar (1904–1995). Presenting this context allows us to capture the circumstances of the creation of the work that is a milestone in Catholic reflection on this matter: Chrétiens désunis. Principes d’un «oecuménisme» catholique (1937) and an outline of the later evolution of its author’s views.
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The paper aims to present the challenges in the form of practical directions and results of activities undertaken by diplomats serving at the Polish Embassy in Rio de Janeiro as an institution representing the Second Polish Republic’s interests in the largest country in South America.The article analyses selected archival materials collected in the Archive of the Józef Piłsudski Institute of America and available literature. The documents used are in Polish. Some documents were translated from Portuguese.It was shown that the Polish Embassy in Rio de Janeiro contributed to the strengthening of diplomatic relations between Poland and Brazil in the 1920s. The results of the institution’s activities included consolidating the foundations of economic cooperation between the two countries, including the support of the Brazilian Polish community. Moreover, activities in the field of press inspiration in the host country were carried out.
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Visual anthropology is a sub-field of social anthropology which deals with not only the study and production of ethnographic photography, but also, starting with the 90’s, of the other mediums. These last years, visual anthropology has started being used also by researchers in the fields of visual cultures and science history. Although it has often been confused for ethnographic film, visual anthropology contains much more, including the anthropological study of all visual representations, such as dance or other types of performance, museum archives, all visual arts, as well as mass-media. The stories and analyses of representations from a multitude of cultures are part of visual anthropology – research topics include sand paintings, tattoos, sculptures and embossings, cave paintings, engravings, jewellery, hieroglyphs, paintings or photographs. Photography has not only a documentary or testimonial value, it also constitutes a research instrument for visual anthropology.
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Review of: Tomasz Dariusz Mames, Eucharystia Kościoła Starokatolickiego Mariawitów, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Chrześcijańskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Warszawie 2022, 516 s. ISBN 978-83-60273-66-1
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The main point of this publication is to present the activity of Józef Zmitrowicz in Białystok in the years 1916–1921. The author has decided to deal with this subject beceause the figure of Józef Zmitrowicz is little known among the inhabitants of Białystok. It is also worth highlighting, that the activity of Józef Zmitrowicz in this city is also forgotten in his official biographies. Józef Zmitrowicz (1879–1980) was a famous lawyer, educator, parliamentarian and pro-independence activist. He studied at St. Petersbourg and Kharkov. In the inter war period, he was a solicitor in Vilnus and then, after the second world war, in Olsztyn. He came from Vilnus to Białystok in November 1916. He became a teacher and director in Polish Real Gymnasium beceause his predecessor – priest Stanisław Hałko – was arrested by the Germans. Józef Zmitrowicz also managed a scouts group in Białystok and participated in many community initiatives. In 1919 he became a parlamentarian in the Legislative Assembly. Józef Zmitrowicz was a great patriot and a very religious person as mentioned by his protégé Michał Sopoćko – currently a blessed of the Catholic Church. I have used the publications by J. Dworakowski, M. Goławski, M. Kietliński, J. Dziemian and others while working on the biography of Józef Zmitrowicz. The parliamentary and senate transcripts as well as press articles, contained mainly in „Dziennik Białostocki”, were very helpful. While writing about the activity of Józef Zmitrowicz in Białystok, I have also used the collection of archives of the Sixth King Sigismund Augustus High School in Białystok – inheritor of the traditon of the Polish Real Gymnasium in Bialystok.
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The publication aims to present the practise of application of the so called March Constitution (passed in march 1921 by the parliament of the Polish Second Republic), which come to power as a result of the coup d’état of May 1926. The Sanacja camp’s leader, Józef Pilsudski evaluated march constitution negatively, as it created parliamentary supremacy in state authority system. In the introduction to the publication, an amendment to the march constitution of 2 August 1926, which strengthened the competences of the executive authorities, was presented. The precedents were formally in line with the literal wording of the provisions of the March Constitution, but in practise they contradicted its fundamental principles. Precedents were the main weapon in the battle conducted by Józef Piłsudski against the Sejm, which was in opposition to the Sanation authorities. The practice of shortening parliamentary sessions would lead to a significant limitation of the Sejm’s activity in favour of law-making by the President’s decrees. The last of a series of constitutional precedents of the Sanacja camp was used to adopt a new constitution contrary to the provisions of the March Constitution. The April Constitution of 1935 officially confirmed the system of authoritarian rule of the Sanacja camp.
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This study examines how Kodály, his student Antal Molnár and his colleague Imre Molnár, and their adversary Emil Haraszti saw Scriabin’s music throughout the first half of the twentieth century. Audiences were responsive, as seen by the continuous performance of his works by Hungarian and international musicians beginning in 1906. There was a great deal of curiosity in his orchestral pieces, but only four of them were played ten times throughout the course of a century. Rêverie and Le Poème Divin debuted in Budapest in 1910, followed by Le Poème de l’extase in 1919, although Prometheus did not make its appearance until 2001. Kodály found his music peculiar and disinteresting, judging it to be a poorer disciple of Richard Strauss and Claude Debussy. However, following the composer’s death, his pupils discovered new values in him, characterizing him as mythical (like A. Molnár A.) and mystical (like I. Molnár). And Haraszti thought it was excellent music. A different interpretation referred to Scriabin as the "Russian Bartók." He was regarded as "one of the most inventive experimenters of his time," which was a mixed acclaim. After 1945, newspapers mostly complimented his piano pieces and symphony conductors. Marxist aesthetes after 1949 saw his work as a failure due to his spiritual goals, which A. Molnár regarded as a distinctive value. Two pioneering conductors, who considered Kodály their distant teacher, Z. Kocsis and A. Ertüngealp, gave the first performances of his hitherto unperformed pieces after 1990.
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In order to provide its shareholders with the necessary funds to carry on with their business operation with the help of the necessary share capital, the Niš Inn and Tavern Cooperative was founded in 1919. The planned operations did not give a satisfactory result, so starting from 1922, the new bank’s management turned more to crediting, and its main business activities were slightly neglected. The business policy of the administration gave favourable results and the Inn and Tavern Cooperative could distribute the dividend to shareholders, although it was not large because most of the earnings were set aside to buy land at an attractive location in the city, build a bank, and also increase the funds that provided stable bank operation. From 1926, the Inn and Tavern Cooperative only engaged in crediting operations, it acted like a true financial institution, and for those reasons, from the middle of 1928, it adopted the name Niš Credit Bank. Until the outbreak of the financial crisis in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in September 1931, this institution brought a solid dividend to its shareholders and had the reputation of a stable monetary institution among the banks in Niš. The moves taken by the Yugoslav government during the 1930s in economic terms were primarily aimed at protecting agricultural workers as the most numerous part of the population who, due to the situation on the world market, ended up fighting for survival. The enactment of the Law on the Protection of Farmers in 1932 meant that banks were unable to collect receivables from the most numerous client group, the farmers, which, with the constant pressure by savers who wished to withdraw money, put many banks in a position to be active but not liquid. The Niš Credit Bank was one of the few banks that did not have disturbances of that kind, but the situation in Yugoslav banking prevented normal bank operations. Private banking in Yugoslavia was then faced with the outbreak of World War II, when almost all banks formally ceased to operate.
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In this article, the author presents in detail the position of the main political parties regarding the constitutional issue of the Romanian Kingdom united in 1918 and the political controversies between these, on the topic of legitimacy of the party entitled to submit to the Parliament a draft of constitution, which would enshrine the new political realities of the Romanian state, following the union of the old Romanian provinces with the Romanian Kingdom at the end of the First World War. As it is well known, during the period 1919–1922 several preliminary drafts of constitution were drawn up, which gave rise to lively public and parliamentary debates, in which it took part, especially, the National Liberal Party, the National Party of Transylvania1 and the Peasants’ Party, each of them considering themselves entitled to promote their own preliminary draft of constitution, which attracted the categorical rejection of the others. Although the political controversies between the political parties had as their object the preliminary drafts of constitution, the real adversity between the parties started from their different visions regarding the future development, as a country project, of Romania, the Liberal Party continuing to promote the idea of an administration based on the principle of centralization and on the authority of the central government, while the National Party was more attracted to the idea of a provincial autonomy.The author does not consider that the principles of the constitutional democracy and of the European-style parliamentarism, borrowed in 1866 and revived in 1917 and 1923, were „compatible”, in the interwar period, with an electoral system corrupted even by the actions of the Crown and with an executive strengthened and personalized by the authority of the prime minister.The author analyzes the content of the preliminary drafts of constitution elaborated in the era and concludes that the political parties of that time failed to overcome the system limits of the naive parliamentarism existing at that time. Although the legitimate unification of the country through the sovereign acts of union of the old Romanian provinces with the Romanian Kingdom did not surprise the political class, neither the Parliament, nor the governments that came to power immediately after 1918, neither King Ferdinand, nor the leaders of the political parties knew or were able to face the economic, social, national and political challenges of the Great Union and to offer constitutional and legislative solutions to overcome them. Therefore, invoking as well the constitutional provisions from 1923 as a source of reflection for the constitutional thinking from 1991 is not completely unjustified.
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