CEEOL - Browse Subjects Result

We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.

Slovenska ljudska stranka in njena organizacija (1890–1941)

Author(s): Jure Gašparič / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2017

The Slovenian People's Party is especially interesting in the organisational sense, as it enjoyed the greatest support of the electoral body since the formation of political parties in Slovenia in the 1890's and until the beginning of World War II in Yugoslavia, and shaped the political decisions that were of key importance for this space. In the author's opinion, the question of its organisation is at least as important to understand its politics as its ideological-political profile and programme. Methodologically, the analysis of the organisational questions and the very elaborate network of a variety of the Slovenian People Party's organisations followed the structure of three areas which every political party was based on at that time: the professional area, including the central party organisation with its secretariat and leadership; the nonprofessional area, which includes numerous non-political organisations (societies, financial institutions, media; and the parliamentary area, which includes the party's parliamentary group and ministers.

More...

Organizacijsko-politična slika liberalnega tabora v letih 1891–1941

Author(s): Jurij Perovšek / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2017

he organisational-political image of the Slovenian liberalism in the five decades between 1891 and 1941 represents, on the one hand, an integral part of the modern political triangle that corresponded to the situation in the other Austrian and West European nations since the end of the 19th century and which, in its basic Catholic-liberal-Marxist characteristics, continued in the time between the World Wars. On the other hand, however, it describes the part of the Slovenian politics whose organisational breadth was inhibited by the limited social relevance as well as deficient or diminishing activities, especially in the Austrian period. Almost until the end of the Habsburg Monarchy, the liberals failed to assert themselves at the all-Slovenian level. All of this had a notable influence on the inferior political role of the liberals in the contemporaneous Slovenian space. In the Kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia, the liberals improved their position significantly by cooperating with the Yugoslav centralist politics. In this manner they stood up to the strong Catholic camp, rooted in its extensive ideological-political and social background. In the second half of the 1930s, the liberal political power became exhausted and fell apart organisationally. The liberal camp as a political subject became obsolete.

More...

Stranke marksističnega idejnopolitičnega tabora na Slovenskem 1896–1941

Author(s): Vida Deželak Barič / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2017

The following contribution focuses on the development and organisation of the parties of the Marxist ideological-political camp in the time of the Habsburg Monarchy, when the first Marxist-oriented workers' party was established in Slovenia in 1896 (the Yugoslav Social-Democratic Party), and during the Kingdom of SHS/Yugoslavia until the onset of World War II. The article analyses the diverse structure of political parties, emerging in 1920, when the Social-Democratic Party as the only Marxist-oriented workers' political representative until that time split into the radical/communist and the reformist/social-democratic parties. Both of these subsequently joined the appropriate Yugoslav parties: i.e. the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Socialist Party of Yugoslavia, respectively. The contribution underlines the emergence of fractions within both of these parties, the methods and circumstances of the communist activities after the government banned the Communist Party in 1921, and the methods of the socialist activities after the prohibition of the Socialist Party with the introduction of the King's Dictatorship in January 1929. The power and social influence of these parties are described in terms of the results of the elections for the representative bodies and the number of party members. The article also lists the main party gazettes and the leading party members.

More...

Gospodarski in družbeni nazori v slovenskem naprednem taboru, 1930-35. II. del – idejnozgodovinski vidiki

Author(s): Oskar Mulej / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 2/2016

In the period between 1933 and 1935 the ideas about an extended and stronger role of the state in the economic life were inrepressibly spreading throughout Yugoslavia and thus also among the politicians of the Slovene progressive camp. This fact was evident not only from the changed rhetoric, revealing a shift in the political-economic paradigm, but also from the programme documents of the Yugoslav National Party (JNS), which demonstrated a substantive deviation as well as a clear programmatic departure from the liberal principles of the socio-economic order. The aforelying second part of the treatise deals with the following questions: in what way and to what extent did the popular ideas of that time – about building a “new order” and “man” – resonate in the Slovene progressive camp; and whether the economic doctrines were in fact adopted or newly formed (including the ideas about “planned economy” and “corporatist state”). The discussion transcends the framework of party politics and attempts to encompass, from a wider intellectual historical aspect, the various viewpoints which emerged inside the broader ideological camp. These viewpoints ranged from the indisputably liberal to the entirely socialist ones, while also including such which criticized the unbound economy from explicitly liberal positions. Intellectual heterogeneity also manifested in diverse understandings and assessments of the so-called corporatist state. It can be claimed that the “corporatist state” and “planned economy” represented nothing more than fancy slogans and a rhetorical adaptation to the spirit of the age. Kramer's circle was thereby distinctly characterized by a categorical rejection of Nazism, fascism and communism, while the younger generation was more susceptible to certain aspects of the non-liberal “socio-economic models”.

More...

Spopad »dveh Španij« z vidikov socialne strukture španske družbe in razrednih nasprotij v njej

Author(s): Avgust Lešnik / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2016

The following discussion focuses on the analysis of the Spanish society in the period between the First and the Second Republic (1875–1931), especially on the social structure and class oppositions within it as well as on identifying the causes leading to the irreconcilable political polarisation of the Spanish society during the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1936). The polarisation culminated in the parliamentary elections on 16 February 1936 and consequently led to the Civil War (1936–1939). The heterogeneity of the republican camp of the Popular Front was the reason for the multi-party Spanish socialism as well as the multi-party nature of the social revolution of 1936.

More...

Kocbekovo Premišljevanje o Španiji

Author(s): Peter Kovačič Peršin / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2016

Due to the Spanish Civil War, the ideological conflicts in the Catholic circles became more distinct. The clerical part, particularly the Slovenic daily, which published biased articles on the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and 1937 with a special emphasis on condemning the rise of the popular front, understood the publication of Edvard Kocbek's essay as an attack on its views. Kocbek's purpose behind the Pondering was, however, to present a more balanced picture of the Spanish tragedy that was based on the reports by West European writers who favored the Spanish republic. The Pondering was the central crystallizing point that led to the final split in the Catholic circles, while at the same time stirring the left-wing political groups to start fighting for a common goal. But the main reason that it became the central crystallizing point was the militant response by the right-wing Catholic group; the essay in itself would have otherwise been only considered a balanced representation of the situation in Spain, which were presented one-sidely by the clerical press. This shows that political tensions on the territory of today's Slovenia had already reached their climax as early as a few years before the war, thus rendering a dialogue and a democratic compromise that could unite the Slovenians in a national defensive attitude impossible.

More...

Španska državljanska vojna v kontekstu slovenskih in jugoslovanskih razmer med svetovnima vojnama

Author(s): Božo Repe / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2016

The author describes the division of the Slovenian society in the 1930's concerning the Spanish Civil War. Slovenian history was marked by various ideological schisms – from Christianisation and anti-Reformation in the 16th century to the longest lasting ideological-religious schism of the 20th century, which had begun at the end of the 19th century, in the time when political parties had been formed. At that time the Catholic camp, under the influence of Dr. Anton Mahnič, wanted to organize the public life in the Slovenian provinces according to the principles of extreme Catholicism. The polarization continued during the interwar period, especially in the 1930's, where we should search for the roots of the wartime fratricidal conflict. Slovenians are still divided along these lines, and the schism surfaces at every possible occasion, for example during elections or celebrations. We are burdened by it to the point where it actually prevents us from becoming a modern nation or at least hinders the process of its formation. The assessment of the Spanish Civil War, even more than 70 years thereafter, still remains essentially controversial, just as it was back then. This holds true for the Slovenian as well as for the European (nowadays mostly conservative) society.

More...

Gospodarski in družbeni nazori v slovenskem naprednem taboru, 1930–35: I. del – velika gospodarska kriza

Author(s): Oskar Mulej / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2016

The following article focuses on the economic and social orientations, ideas and concrete policies that were present, being developed and implemented within the Slovene progressive camp during the first half of the 1930's. Primarily it focuses on the time after 1931, when the progressives as part of the Yugoslav National Party steered the Yugoslav politics and represented the political authority in Slovenia. This article – the first part of the study – provides a detailed analysis of the global economic crisis as the factor that had the most profound impact on the period under consideration and which all the political actors had to face, respond to, and address by employing the major part of their efforts. The Slovene progressives understood the Great Depression as a serious blow to the global economy, while at the same time they also saw this crisis as a harbinger of the potential radical political changes. In this regard they argued for a more conservative approach to the fiscal policy as well as defended the principles of free trade, for they viewed the economic protectionism as one of the major causes of the deepening crisis. At the same time the gradual change in the political-economic paradigm, calling for a more prominent role of the state in the economy and reflected through the changed rhetoric and discourse of the Slovene progressives , was already becoming more apparent in the years between 1933 and 1935.

More...

Как шли белорусы к своему университету

Author(s): Oleg Antonovich Yanovsky / Language(s): Russian Issue: 3/2018

The article considers the stages of formation of the national state in the Belarusian territories of the Russian Empire destroyed by revolutions of 1917. It is claimed that at the same time there was a process of creation of the state university which was perceived by his creators — politicians and intellectuals — an indispensable, prime form of the embodiment of the Belarusian statehood. The university has been conceived and realized as «Belarusian» and as «state». It is proved that both representatives of the Belarusian intelligentsia and generally Russian politicians, scientists, teachers took part in the formation of the Belarusian statehood and the university environment. It is noted that some time (in 1919—1922) both the created university and the Belarusian republic were understood more as «Russian» but in the «Soviet» embodiment.

More...

Революция и Гражданская война 1917—1922 годов в восприятии русского интеллигента (По запискам И. Ф. Наживина)

Author(s): Arkadiy Andrianovich Kornikov,Andrey Sergeyevich Hripunov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2019

The article shows poorly studied notes of the prominent representative of Russian intelligentsia of the end of 19th — the beginning of the XX century, the publicist and the writer I. F. Nazhivin about revolution of 1917 and the Civil war in Russia. Importance of inclusion in a scientific turn of new documentary evidences of that era, in general need of its more detailed studying since many layers of history of this period remain still in the shadow of the scientific analysis is emphasized. The purpose to establish value of the composition of I. F. Nazhivin as a source on history of revolution of 1917 and Civil war is set. The source study criticism of the composition of I. F. Nazhivin is given. Special attention is paid to the outlook of the author, a key image affected the maintenance of its notes, and circumstances of work on them are mentioned. The uniqueness of a source expressed that it was created directly during the described events is noted and fixed a look of the witness intellectual of revolutionary shocks without late deformation of memoirs of the author which, undoubtedly, arose in the future under the influence of other sources and independent reconsideration. The actual maintenance of notes is analyzed; the uniqueness of the data on an era of revolution of 1917 and the Civil war on places provided by the author is emphasized. False information comes to light as well, historical mistakes made owing to the noncritical relation of the writer to primary sources of the information. Drawn is the conclusion about importance of the notes of I. F. Nazhivin drawing a picturesque image of events of a revolutionary era from the point of view of anti-Bolshevist the adjusted intellectual who is not accepting any revolutionary shocks and violence. The value of this source which is capable to expand considerably ideas of historians of the nature of events of revolution of 1917 and the Civil war in Russia is emphasized.

More...

С авантюрой сквозь жизнь: Мария Александровна Гришина-Алмазова (Михайлова)

Author(s): Dmitry Igorevich Petin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 27/2019

The publication is a historical and biographical study of a woman who played an important role in the highest socio-political circles of Omsk during the Civil War, becoming the beloved of two key political figures in anti-Bolshevik eastern Russia, and subsequently ended her days in emigration. Using previously classified documents in archives of the FSB Directorate for the Omsk Region and the State Archives of the Khabarovsk Territory and applying historical-biographical and chronological methods, the article considers historiography of the topic and unexplored lacunae. The most informative materials are diary fragments and judicial-investigative documents from the criminal case concerning the heroine (1920), and emigrant questionnaires of her and her son (1942, 1945), along with memoirs and published sources about the heroine’s participation in the trial of Kolchak ministers in May 1920, as well as references on Russian emigration. These sources provide an ambiguous biography of the heroine.

More...

«Германский Октябрь» 1923 г. в представлениях населения советской провинции

Author(s): M. V. Bryantsev / Language(s): Russian Issue: 27/2019

Using materials from FSB archives and regional archives of Bryansk, Gomel, Kaluga, Orel, and Smolensk, this article investigates popular reactions in Soviet provinces to the ”German October” in 1923. Soviet authorities viewed the actions of communists in Germany positively and to assist them, a powerful propaganda campaign was launched. Ideas of peaceful Soviet foreign policy were broadcast to the population, and Poland and France were framed as embodying the aggressive intentions of the “global bourgeoisie”. A significant place in the coverage of events in Germany was given to criticism of the German bourgeois government and the exposure of the position of German social democracy. It was important to show the degradation of social democrats and and the growing influence of the Communist Party. An important element of influence on people’s minds was the idea of the direct influence of German events on the fate of Soviet Russia. The population was led to believe that, to preserve the gains of the October revolution in the USSR, it was necessary to provide full support to Germany’s labor movement. Consolidation of the proletariat became the key to victory in the confrontation with global capital.

More...

The policy of the Czechoslovak government aimed at neutralizing the German threat during 1935 – 1938 with a focus on the situation in Slovakia

Author(s): Milan Olejník / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2018

The second half of 1930s was a period of dramatic political changes in Europe. The stability established by peace agreements concluded after World War I underwent gradual but continual erosion. The main reason for the transforming political landscape was the political developments in Germany which resulted in the collapse of the democratic parliamentary system. In the spring of 1933 The Nazi Party assumed power in Germany and over the span of a few years succeeded in remaking Germany into a totalitarian state. The German dictator Adolf Hitler openly declared his intention to destroy the system of peace treaties, which had formed the basis of peaceful relations amongst states in Europe after World War I. Keeping to this declaration, he openly pursued a provocative policy of step-by-step destruction of the Versailles Treaty. In the context of Hitler´s political aims, the growing economic and military power of Germany constituted a clear threat to Central European states. The Czechoslovak government concluded that it had to apply all possible means to reinforce the defense ability of the state, and consequently a policy of rapid fortification on the border with Germany was initiated. Military maneuvers aimed at enhancing the defense capabilities of the Czechoslovak Army were enacted throughout Czechoslovakia (CSR). State propaganda on the radio and in the press portrayed the Czechoslovak Republic as a state capable of repelling any invasion and re-assuring the population. However, despite such propaganda, it was continually emphasized that Czechoslovakia could only resist Germany with the added protection of its allies France and the Soviet Union.

More...

Путь в никуда: социальная политика Комитета членов Всероссийского учредительного собрания (июнь — ноябрь 1918 г.)

Author(s): V. M. Rynkov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 26/2019

Social policy was one of the most important components of politics in Komuch, most fully reflecting the specifics of a “third way” in the Civil War. Historiographical analysis shows that, until now, scholarly attention has focused on its individual aspects, and a holistic view has not yet been created. The article reveals specifics of interactions between the authorities and society in Komuch. Inclusion of many heterogeneous associations in the decision-making process led to the formation of a polycentric model for developing social policy, which was implemented as a result of the interaction of different political forces. The main facets of Komuch social policy included regulating property relations, social and labor spheres, assistance to refugees, support for military personnel and their families, social transfers, and education policy. Except for the first two, these policies remained in their infancy. Along with beginning to return property, the Volga government continued seizures, and transferred most of what was nationalized to local governments. Numerous prescriptions in the field of workers' legislation focused on establishing a social compromise, to the achievement of which there were no material and political prerequisites. Komuch sought to minimize social spending, to free up the state apparatus by shifting social obligations to local governments, entrepreneurs, and public organizations. Assistance to socially disadvantaged groups was episodic, mainly at the last stage of the existence of the Komuch authorities and aimed mainly at helping state officials. Regulatory prescriptions were not consistent with declarations and did not correspond to main groups’ ideas about social justice and could not be realized in the current social situation. Local governments, the army, powerful public corporations, such as trade unions, business organizations, neighborhood councils and others, ignored the prescriptions of the authorities and acted on their own interests.

More...

Организационна дейност и политическа пропаганда на комунистите във Вардарска Македония през 30-те и началото на 40-те години на XX век

4.50 €

Preview

Организационна дейност и политическа пропаганда на комунистите във Вардарска Македония през 30-те и началото на 40-те години на XX век

Author(s): Kostadin Ivanov / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2018

The article observes the communists’ activity in Vardar Macedonia in the 30s and the beginning of 40s of the XX century. The main accent is focused on the political propaganda of the Macedonian communism, its external dependencies and the organizational forms it acquires. The relationships of the Macedonian communists with the Bulgarian national liberation movement are studied as well.

More...

«С религией надо считаться как с фактом…»: из стенограммы выступления заведующего Секретно-оперативным отделом ВЧК М.И.Лациса на 4-й Всероссийской конференции чрезвычайных комиссий (3 февраля 1920 г.)

Author(s): Mihail Yurevich Krapivin / Language(s): Russian Issue: 25/2018

4-я Всероссийская конференция губернских, транспортных чрезвычайных комиссий и особых отделов ЧК проходила в Москве с 3 по 6 февраля 1920 г. Делегаты рассмотрели (с участием В. И. Ленина и Ф. Э. Дзержинского) широкий круг вопросов перестройки работы ВЧК и региональных чрезвычайных комиссий во время перехода от войны к миру. Собравшиеся уточнили структуру и обсудили задачи оперативных подразделений ЧК в борьбе с контрреволюцией, шпионажем и хозяйственными преступлениями.

More...

Kronika

Author(s): Zuzana Tokárová,Jozef Hyrja / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 4/2018

Conference report: -Medzinárodná vedecká konferencia: Central and Eastern Europe after the First World War / Stredná a východná Európa po prvej svetovej vojne -Report z konferencie August ’68: Operácia Dunaj / August '68 Conference Report: Operation Danube

More...

Gluhonemnica v Ljubljani v prizadevanjih za razširitev zavoda v obdobju med obema vojnama

Author(s): Dunja Dobaja / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 2/2017

The following contribution focuses on the issue of limited spatial capacities of the deaf-mute institute in Ljubljana in the interwar period. The institute opened its door in 1900 on what is today the Zaloška cesta street and was intended for only 50 to 60 children. The numbers gradually grew and in the school year 1939/40 already increased to 136 children. The deaf-mute institute had to reject more than a half of the enrolled children each year. Meanwhile, the capacities for the deaf-mute children with more severe learning difficulties were completely non-existent. Therefore the care for those children depended on the municipalities and their parents. This situation motivated the deaf-mute institute of Ljubljana to engage in intensive efforts for the expansion of the institute. The issue of the deaf-mute institute was regularly included in the annual budgetary considerations at the meetings of the Ljubljana Administrative Unit Committee and the Ban’s Council. The issue was not resolved until the very brink of World War II, yet failed to be implemented in practice due to the occupation of Slovenia.

More...

Prekmurske Benetke leta 1925

Author(s): Darja Kerec / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 3/2011

In the first half of November 1925 Slovenia and most of what was at the time the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was ravaged by floods which barely spared any regions at all. The deluge did most damage in the area then governed by the Maribor county, where the rivers Drava, Savinja and Mura overflowed. Three people died in Murska Sobota due to heavy rain, and around a thousand people lost their homes. In the days since 11 November aid in food, workforce and money arrived from all parts of Slovenia. Murska Sobota and thus the Prekmurje region was separated from the rest of the country, but telephone and telegraph connections remained operational. Due to a somewhat disorganised damage assessment commission, irregularities and delays were also involved in the distribution of the urgent financial aid. The damage in the territory of Murska Sobota was estimated at several millions of dinars. The numbers varied and the request for financial aid, addressed to the authorities in Belgrade, was not fulfilled completely, although the Slovenian members of parliament put all their efforts into it. In 1925 and 1926 the political disagreements also manifested themselves at the local level, especially the area governed by the Maribor county. Daily newspapers kept publishing reports from the affected region and underlined Belgrade's non-responsiveness. In their own way the floods contributed to the urban development of Murska Sobota, where the railroad connection was established a year earlier as well. Thus the city was electrified and in the 1930s it recovered economically with the aid of ambitious Slovenian industrialists.

More...

YEREL BASINA GÖRE 1935-1950 YILLARI ARASINDA URFA’DA MAHALLİ VE MİLLİ BAYRAM KUTLAMALARI

Author(s): Ahmet İlyas / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 16/2018

National holiday as a phenomenon is one of the principle concepts that manifest the shared joys and values of societies. During the transition period from the Ottomans to the Republic, having celebrated no national holiday apart from the “Iyd-i Milli” forged some problems. One of the ways to help ensure the survival of a multi-national empire like the Ottomans are either holidays or religious themes or having a common history. However, these three realities were vague concepts for the Ottoman society. During the restructuring of the state after post-National Struggle, particular importance was attached to national holidays as a means to make the nationalization process concrete and to ensure the adoption of the regime. It was decided to celebrate April 23rd, the day of the Assembly’s inauguration, as the “National Sovereignty and Kids Holiday”; May 19th, the day when Atatürk arrived Samsun, combined with the “Sport Holiday” that was inherited from the Ottomans, as the “Commemoration of Atatürk, Youth and Sport Holiday”; October 29th, the date when the Sultanate was abolished and the Republic was proclaimed, as the “Republic Holiday”; finally August 30th, when the Greeks were defeated, as the “Victory Holiday”. This work encompasses the process from 1935, the milestone of officially celebrating the holidays, to 1950. The holiday excitements experienced in this process in Urfa is presented as reflected in the local newspapers.

More...