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In this work, the author underlines the importance of the Association “Napredak” in the cultural enlightenment and advancement of Croatian national conscience among the population of Gospić. This association enabled the education of youth in Lika, one of the poorest regions of Croatia. The preamble of its charter explains how the association was formed during Austro-Hungarian times. After the introduction of King Alexander Karadjordjević’s dictatorship, the chapter of Napredak in Gospić was dissolved (1932). The chapter was revived in 1935, and successfully continued to reduce illiteracy, increase its own literary publications and organize cultural life. Because of the outbreak of World War II, the work of the association slowed down, and after the war, Napredak was outlawed.
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Review of: Stjepan Matković - Pravila društava 1845.-1945. Tematski vodič, Hrvatski državni arhiv, ur. Slavica PLEŠE, Obavijesna arhivska pomagala, Zagreb 2000., 333 str.
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Review of: Borislav Bijelić - STJEPAN SRŠAN, TVRTKE U ISTOČNOJ SLAVONIJI: MEMORANDUMI OD SREDINE 19. DO SREDINE 20. STOLJEĆA, Državni arhiv u Osijeku, Osijek, 1998., str. 160
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Review of: Zdenka Baždar - ZLATKO VIRC, HRVATSKI SOKOL U SJEVEROISTOČNOJ HRVATSKOJ, Slavonska naklada "Privlačica", Vinkovci 1998., 203 str.
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The period of activity of the Croatian Democratic Party, or as it would later be known, the Croat People’s Progressive Party, conforms with the transformation of the political scene in Dalmatia. The old National Party lost its importance, while the younger generation of politicians inaugurates the arrival of new political forces in Dalmatia. The younger generation grouped around the Croat People’s Progressive Party. This was the first political party that was active in Dalmatia as well as Civil Croatia, and to have sympathizers in Bosnia and Hercegovina. This article deals specifically with the part played by Ivo Tartaglia (1880-1949) in the Croat People’s Progressive Party.
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Review of: Franko Mirošević - Zdenko RADELIĆ, Božidar Magovac - S Radićem između Mačeka i Hebranga, Hrvatski institut za povijest i Dom i svijet, Zagreb 1999., 261 str.
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Review of: Hrvoje Matković - ZDENKO RADELIĆ, BOŽIDAR MAGOVAC - S RADIĆEM IZMEĐU MAČEKA I HEBRANGA, Hrvatski institut za povijest i Dom i svijet, Zagreb 1999., 261 str.
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Povijest Nijemaca na europskom istoku i jugoistoku, i u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, napose u Podunavlju, predmet je mnogih radova povjesničara i publicista, u prvom redu njemačkih. Unatoč svemu, do danas nema cjelovita, objektivna prikaza povijesti jugoslavenskih Nijemaca. Naime, pred historiografijom su još uvijek mnoga otvorena i neriješena pitanja.
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Od 19. do 21. rujna 2001. u Dubrovniku je održan prvi hrvatsko-poljski znanstveni susret povjesničara, koji su organizirali Hrvatski nacionalni odbor za povijesne znanosti u Zagrebu i Odsjek za povijest Sveučilišta u Varšavi. Susret su financijski pomogli Veleposlanstvo Rep. Poljske u Hrvatskoj te Ministarstvo znanosti i tehnologije Rep. Hrvatske. Skup su svečano otvorili Mirko Valentić, Bronislav Nowak i Pawel Wieczorkiewicz. Pismeni pozdrav uputio je i odsutni Drago Roksandić.
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In den Jahren nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg (1918-1921) änderten sich auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Ungarn mehrere Staatsformationen. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, die Existenz kroatischer Ausgaben (Bücher, Periodika, Broschüren und Faltblätter) vorzustellen, die in diesem Zeitraum auf dem genannten Gebiet entstehen und direkt oder indirekt mit staatlich finanzierten Institutionen oder Einzelpersonen in Verbindung stehen. Ausgangspunkt ist ein Verzeichnis kroatischer Publikationen, die von 1918 bis 2015 auf dem Gebiet des heutigen Ungarn veröffentlicht worden sind. Da sich das Minoritäten-Verlagswesen in Ungarn nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg weitgehend auf staatliche Institutionen beruht hat, beschreibt ein Teil der Arbeit die ungarische Minderheitenpolitik dieser Zeit. Mit dem Einblick in das Korpus und den Inhalt der Veröffentlichungen entsteht der Eindruck, dass es sich um einen Verlag mit starkem Propaganda-Charakter handelt.
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The realization that health care is one of the most significant aspects within the concerns of governance was awakened in the mid-18th century. A health and welfare institution, that is to say the Civic Hospital, was established in Osijek in 1741; one of its functions was to provide health care to the poor of the town which implies that it operated as an almshouse right from the start. The work of the Civic Hospital in the New Town stopped in 1874 with the construction of the new hospital building in the Lower Town and the opening of the General and Public Huttler Kohlhoffer Monsperger Foundation Hospital. From then on, the Civic Hospital facility was converted into the City Almshouse where old women and men were accommodated so that they should not perish from becoming homeless. From September 1, 1890 up until 1952 the care for the poor and those in need of care was provided by the Association of Sisters of Mercy of St. Vincent de Paul from Zagreb. Since year after year the numbers of the indigent increased, in 1902, built to the western courtyard side was the building in which was located the Mijo Cseh Institution for the Care of the Mentally Ill located in the Civic Almshouse. The City Almshouse was a ground floor building and in the first decades of the 20th century it did not meet the spatial requirements, hence in 1936 a first floor was built on and a large number of the poor and infirm were cared for. As in 1952 the work and care of the Association of Sisters of Mercy of St. Vincent de Paul in the City Almshouse was prohibited, the Peoples Committee of the town of Osijek registered the pre-war City Almshouse on May 20, 1954 in Martin Divald Street 2 as the Nursing Home for the Elderly and Infirm.
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The article addresses an important but little-known issue of the conflict over the demarcation of the border between Estonia and (Soviet) Russia in the years 1917–1920, which was important for the international order in North-Eastern Europe after the First World War. The dispute over this matter was much broader than just bilateral, as the normalization of the situation in the Baltic region conditioned the possibility of extending the international order established by the Treaty of Versailles to Eastern Europe. This issue has not received a separate monograph so far, although it was addressed in historical publications, especially in the countries directly concerned. The analysis of the state of research, confronted with primary sources, constitutes the base for the article. After the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, Estonia quickly became an object of interest for the Bolsheviks, which almost ended up with the republic losing its independence. However, the politicians of the newly born Republic of Estonia showed great political skills by manoeuvring between Germany, the White and Red Armies, obtaining British aid and establishing military cooperation with Latvia, which was equally threatened. However, it was the Polish-Soviet War, which ended with the defeat of the Red Army, that turned out to be crucial. During disputes with the Whites and the Bolsheviks with regard to demarcation, Estonia successfully, at least in a short-term perspective, defended its historical rights to the regions of Narva and Petseri against its aggressive neighbour. From the point of view of diplomatic possibilities, the Estonians achieved everything that was achievable. The peace treaty signed in Tartu in 1920 ensured ‘perpetual guarantees’ which, however, lasted only for less than two decades.
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In this paper the author provides a review of the socio-economic situation in the postwar period of World War I in the context of the activities of the state authorities in combating the spread of Bolshevik ideas in the territory of Slavonia and Syrmia. Accordingly, this paper provides an overview of the documents of the State Archive in Osijek as well as of the Centre for the Research into the Workers’ and People’s Liberation Movement for Slavonia and Baranya kept in the present-day Croatian Institute for History – Department for the History of Slavonia, Syrmia and Baranya. The focal point of this paper is the activities of the “oktobarci” (participants of the October Revolution) who, in the wake of the revolutionary turmoil in Europe, tried to propagate Bolshevik ideas in this territory.
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The attire characteristic for peasants was described by ethnographers from the early nineteenth century, and the interest in folklore itself transformed from amateur item collecting to an academic discipline, namely ethnography. Researchers were intrigued by hand-made folk costumes, which contrasted with the factory-made clothing of the urban population. As the political importance of the peasantry grew, stylised folk costumes became an element of regional and ethnic identity. The motif of peasant culture found its way into global literature and the folk elements into political propaganda of the twentieth century. At the same time the origin of folk costumes and their design arouses controversy among researchers. Are they reconstructions of the past or perhaps ideologically motivated constructs? The article presents this issue on the example of a Kashubian costume created according to the concept of Professor Bożena Stelmachowska (1889–1956). On the basis of previously unexplored descriptions of peasants’ appearance contained in arrest warrants from the first half of the nineteenth century, the sources and research paradigm, which became a basis for the creation of the model Kashubian attire in 1954–1959, have been subjected to criticism. The concept adopted by the older scholarship was not confirmed as no primary sources (material artifacts, iconographic representations, written descriptions, etc.) were found. The similarity of clothes worn by Kashubians with clothes worn by other peasants was demonstrated, and so was the influence of military uniforms on men’s clothes. The model of Kashubian costume proposed by Stelmachowska should be treated as an intellectual construction that reflects certain trends in folklore studies of the time and a response to ideological and propaganda needs that arose in Pomerania after 1945.
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The congregations of the Reformed Church District of Királyhágómellék and Transylvania replaced the older hymnbooks twenty years ago. The replacement of 1921 hymnbook, previously used in the Partium region, and of the 1923 hymnbook used in Transylvania, opened a new chapter in the church singing practice. When comparing the origin and style layer of the songs in the two hymnbooks, the difference is striking, especially with respect to the 19th century melodies and the amount of 18–19th century ad notam songs in the 1921 hymnbook. From a structural point of view, the Hungarian Reformed Hymnbook focuses mostly on the hymns of the Reformation era and the German choral melodies, quantitatively closely followed by the Anglo-Saxon and Romantic hymns. The other valuable medieval, baroque and 20th century hymns are present in a merely symbolic proportion. During a hymnbook revision, it is not enough to drop rarely used or undervalued hymns. Rather, hymns with weakened influence need to be replaced. This is how we should approach our new hymnbook published nearly a quarter of a century ago. Its substantially new material should be regarded as a “profit” that needs to be discovered repeatedly and adopted in our worship services.
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After the German occupation of Czechoslovakia, the United Kingdom proposed that European states should demonstrate unity by signing a joint declaration to oppose German expansion in Europe. The United Kingdom selected France, the Soviet Union, and Poland as its first partners. It was envisioned that Poland would effectively support Romania, which was under German economic pressure, through an alliance between the two countries. The proposed alliance included defence against an attack on the eastern borders of both countries, but the United Kingdom and France tried to get both countries to expand their eastern borders against Germany. Poland rejected this concept because it did not believe in the possibility of German aggression against Romania and preferred not to jeopardize relations with Hungary. For Romania, the proposed expansion of the alliance was not beneficial either. German-Romanian relations could have deteriorated and led Germany to support the territorial claims of Hungary and Bulgaria against Romanian territory. As a result, Poland and Romania chose to protect their own interests: Poland accepted British guarantees and then signed a bilateral agreement with the United Kingdom; Romania accepted British and French guarantees while ostensibly maintaining good relations with Germany.
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This study analyses the Romanian military system in the period between the two world wars, commonly known as the interwar period. During this time, it developed according to the experience of World War I, something that was very noticeable in the debates pertaining to the organization of the military body. In other words, Romania undeniably suffered from the “syndrome of the last war”. Another major influence was the French military model, which was adopted by the Romanian army in the period 1916-1918 and preserved during the interwar period. The military body has gone through several stages, consistent with the developments on the international stage. Thus, in the period 1919-1924, the military structures of unified Romania were brought together, a process not without its own challenges: the integration of a significant number of military personnel from the former Austro-Hungarian and Russian armies; the expansion of the military infrastructure in the territories that united with Romania in 1918; the creation of a legislative framework attuned to the new realities, etc. This was followed by roughly a decade in which the pace of the reforms was modest, meaning that the army suffered serious setbacks in terms of training and equipment. By the mid-1930s, concomitantly with the worsening of the international environment and the prospect of a new war, Romania launched a race against time for strengthening the army. However, the army was not able to avoid the dismantling of the country’s borders in the summer of 1940. Furthermore, it found itself in a humiliating position, being forced to withdraw from Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, north-eastern Transylvania and from the Quadrilater without opposing any resistance.
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For the most part, the spring of 1920 marked the end of the actions of the Romanian army for the defence of the territory of Greater Romania following the decisions from Chișinău, Chernivtsi and Alba Iulia, but the insecurity at the eastern border required the forces deployed between Prut and Dniester to remain on high alert up until May 1921. In the early 1920s, the threats Romania had to face came in the form of the revisionist policies openly promoted by the USSR, Hungary and Bulgaria, which were countered with the creation of a system of alliances with the neighboring states, which complemented the existing alliance with France. This sense of security, which, in hindsight, proved short-lived, translated in decreased attention granted to the needs of the army. The 1930s, however, brought dramatic changes with the rise of the Nazi party in Germany. Naturally, all these shifts reflected on the Romanian General Staff, which was shaped according to the perceptions of the Romanian decision-makers at any given moment of the interwar period.
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