Asszimiláció, sovinizmus és idegen hatások

Author(s): Balázs Sipos / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Jenő Rákosi (1842–1929) was writer, translator, journalist and he took part in the political life as well. Although he had a German origin (his mother's native language was German), as the founded director of Népszínház (Folk Theatre) and the founded editor in chief and the own-er of a nationwide daily (Budapest Hírlap) he became an important lead-er of the campaign (policy) of the Hungarian cultural assimilation and chauvinism. He wanted the members of the national minorities to be-come Hungarians partly because of that liberty and prosperity which should have characterized Hungary according to his purpose. It means that his political beliefs can be described as liberal and nationalist ones in the same time. His political aim was a kind of modernization (Westerniza-tion) of Hungary but in a Hungarian nationalistic manner.

Az osztrák Richelieu

Author(s): Péter Szatmári / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

The thinking of the generation of the Austrian politicia born in the last dbecades of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was determined by the unique set of identities and diversity that gave a special dinamics to na tion consciousness awakening in the First Republic.

Egy közép–európai sors

Author(s): Károly Szerencsés / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

A Hungarian fate, a life path, in which dwell almost all the Hungarian polit-ical, social and public impasses of the larger part of the 20th century. Dezső Sulyok’s (1897–1965) life well represents the path of the genera-tion, which had to fight through both of the world wars, experiencing the defeat and dissection of its homeland, along with the humiliation of its na-tion. Sulyok had to fight for democracy, freedom, Christian ethics, social justice in not only one, but two historical eras, only to find himself fail in both of these struggles. Not because of the lack of his abilities or respon-siveness of the Hungarian nation, but primarily because of the interna-tional circumstances. In the middle of the century, between the crushing wills of National socialism and Bolshevik communism, under the pressure of 2 superpowers – the Third (German) Reich’s and the Soviet Union – the struggle for national independence and freedom failed in Hungary. Dezső Sulyok still in time – meaning early – suggested the necessity of Hungary’s neutrality, and the idea of a United States of Europe, which would have been based on the cooperation of nations, and he could even imagine the creation of a World state. At the same time Sulyok was strongly committed to the cooperation of central-European nations, but not on the false grounds of Versailles. In the end, fate had a long emigra-tion in mind for Sulyok, just like for many other democrats and patriots in Central-Europe. Even though he could never return to his – sovietised – homeland, his idea of national democracy did not fade away.

NOSTALGIJA ZA FRONTOM

Author(s): Pierre Teilhard de Chardin / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Iz Bolje-le-Fontena, u departmanu Uaz, gde je 14. avgusta 1917. upravo završio svoj Milieu mistique otac Tijar piše svojoj rodaci: Osećam neko zadovoljstvo što sam sada slobodan da otpočnem, ako mi se ukaže prilika, neku novu temu. U istom pismu on još kaže: Kao uvek posle dugog odmora osećam da me obuzima nostalgija za frontom (Genese d'une penste, str. 260 i 261). To će upravo biti tema mog novog spisa.

Antoni Purtal (1895–1943). Karty z życiorysu

Author(s): Leszek Olejnik / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Југословенски комунисти и српско питање у народнофронтовској фази (1935–1941)

Author(s): Dušan Vojković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Nationality policy of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia during the inter-war period was, among other things, marked by numerous dilemmas and frictions among the Yugoslav communists, inconsistency in implementing decisions of the Party leadership, by frequent changes in treatment of various Yugoslav peoples and national minorities, misunderstanding and diverging from the official Commintern line. In the process of building the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the Yugoslav communists first saw national liberation of the single people „with three tribes“, i.e. „with three names“. However, under strong pressure from Moscow in early 1920s the idea of ethnic originality of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was adopted. The Macedonian question was opened in 1922, whereas the right to self-determination was recognized to the Montenegrin population in 1928. The relation of the Yugoslav communists toward the Serbian people and Serbia during the first years of the Popular Front (1935– 1938) was based on the views the Commintern and the CPY had previously adopted that saw the Yugoslav state as the creation of the Versailles Peace Treaty and called for toppling of the „greater Serbian military-fascist dictatorship“. The CPY rhetoric branded the Serbian people the strongest hegemonistic element in the country that oppressed and exploited other peoples and national minorities. Since March 1938, parallel with the enlargement of German borders, the Party leadership worked more actively for preservation of the territorial integrity of the Yugoslav community. At the same time, almost all problems that could further endanger the already chipped state unity were pushed to the back burner. During this period (1938– 1941) somewhat milder attitude toward the Serbs and Serbia prevailed within the CPY. On the other hand, the official Party documents testify that deep ingrained stereotypes of two decades before died hard. The Serbian question was not definitively solved during the inter-war period. Also, the leadership of the CPY tacitly refused to define the territory of Serbia and the rights of the Serbian people.

Руска и српска традиција у новим околностима: СССР и Југославија 1918–1941.

Author(s): Aleksej J. Timofejev / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

After the February (March) events of 1917 in Russia; Serbian government was left without Russian support in negotiations with the Entente, regarding the future of Southeastern Europe. The provisional government neither wanted nor was able to have its own opinion on the future of the Balkans. The relations between the two countries have become even more tense after the outbreak of the Bolshevik (October) Revolution. The Bolshevik regime was jeopardizing diplomatic position of Serbia by declassifying and publishing top-secret diplomatic documents which included arrangements for future annexations and negotiations on a separate peace. After the Serbian diplomatic missions and military personnel were withdrawn to the Russian territory controlled by the Entente, some of the Serbian officers and soldiers became involved in the Civil War on both sides, although the offi cial Serbian att itude was, in spite of negative stance towards the Bolsheviks, “not to permit the use of Serbian army against the Russians.” During the interwar period there were two active social phenomena connected with former Russia - the political influence of the Comintern and the Russian emigration. Conservative circles gathered around Serbian King Aleksandar and Patriarch Varnava, who represented the most important patrons of Russian emigration in interwar Yugoslavia, were directly opposed to any relationship with the Bolsheviks. Yet in 1930s a new generation of Serbian politicians grew up which was culturally oriented towards France while politically it was inclined towards the United Kingdom; this generation of Yugoslav politicians was active in Soviet era and they had no recollections of imperial Russian era. On the other hand, the right-wing, anticommunist majority of Russian emigration, traditionally close to the Russian-German cultural ties, even though unable to understand the imperial nature of Nazism, was sympathetic to the Nazi Germany. In fact, it was a tragic discord between the Russian emigration in Yugoslavia and a signifi cant part of the Serbian people. The interwar activities of Comintern, KPJ and VKP (b) had an obvious anti-government impact, which accelerated the deterioration of Serbian-Russian relations. The infl uence of the Russian Revolution and the Soviet experience was quite obvious in the future actions of Yugoslav Bolsheviks. The Yugoslav political emigration in interwar Soviet Union was also aff ected by strong impressions of Stalinist repression. On the other hand, many Russian emigrants and exponents of Soviet policy took part in the Second World War in Yugoslavia, which strengthened the spirit of civil war and resistance. As the war ended, Russian society overcame the most of mental divisions caused by the civil war, while the situation in Yugoslavia and Serbia was quite the opposite. The liberation of eastern Yugoslav territories from the German armed forces, achieved by both partisan (cca. 40 thousand members of the National Liberation Army of Yugoslavia) and Soviet (300 thousand troops and Red Army) troops was followed by installation of a brutal one-party dictatorship of Soviet model. After the world wars era the ideological closeness between the most of Serbian and Russian people became more appreciable as the new period of ideological emanations from Russia was devoid of former ideological concepts. In this dramatic period, Serbs and Russians have established closer relations than ever before.

Односи између Српске и Бугарске православне цркве у периоду 1918−1941. године

Author(s): Radmila Radić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Serbian and Bulgarian Orthodox Church entered into a process of gradual rapprochement during the interwar period. The process was aiming to overcome feelings of mutual distrust and bitterness caused by the ongoing implications of the ‘Macedonian Question’ and maltreatment of the Serbian priesthood under the Bulgarian occupation of Serbia during World War I. An important role of intermediary in this process of reconciliation was played by organization ‘The World Alliance for International Friendship through the Churches’. After the church delegates faced many difficulties; a final breakthrough in negotiations took place on the meetings held in the monastery of Rila in Bulgaria in 1933 and the monastery of St. Naum in Ohrid in 1936. Since then, the relations between the two churches became more or less sett led until the April War in Yugoslavia in 1941. Namely, as a consequence of the partition of the Yugoslav territory the Bulgarian Orthodox Church had assumed jurisdiction over three Serbian Orthodox Church dioceses in Macedonia.

Политичко опредељивање сељаштва у Србији између два светска рата

Author(s): Momčilo Isić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

As a dominant social class within the country’s population and as a social group which suffered most of the war casualties, Serbian peasantry had provided a crucial contribution to the creation of Yugoslav state in 1918. It remained a reservoir of manpower and of physical, moral and economic strength of the Serbian people in the Yugoslav Kingdom, serving as a faithful guardian of „national thought“ and tradition. However, the peasantry failed to assume a greater political influence in the country. The main reasons for quite a passive and marginal status of Serbian peasantry in political life were its backwardness, fear of authorities and its economic underdevelopment. Regardless of the fact that political parties have usually betrayed the peasants` expectations, Serbian peasantry continued to enter the polls and to vote. Actually, the peasantry was „voting” rather than having opportunity to choose between political options. One cannot say it was outwitted by unrealistic promises, more likely it was under the influence of traditional belief that the state must be attributed with the power, no matter what. The state interests were a kind of „sanctity” for a peasant in interwar Serbia.

Станоје Симић: Прилог биографији

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Stanoje Simić started his diplomatic career in the first days of the existence of the Yugoslav state. He was born and raised in the family of the distinguished diplomat and national activist Svetislav Simić. He was a pupil of the Second Male High School in Belgrade, a student of the Faculty of Law, wartime volunteer, devoted to the state and the people, aware that regimes and ideologies were transient and that state and popular interests stood above all else. He represented one of the few personages in the discontinuity-riddled history of the Yugoslav diplomacy who left their mark on the activities of the Yugoslav diplomacy during the inter-war period, in the whirlpool of WWII and during the first post-war decade. Possessing expert and general education, Slavophile and Russophile by conviction, a republican by determination he stood out by his looks, behavior and lifestyle from his postwar environment. He was at the helm of the Yugoslav diplomacy in hard moments as the postwar society and its institutions were being built, when Yugoslavia forged close ties with the USSR and the countries of „people’s democracy” in all fields and antagonized the West. Closeness to the Soviets decisively conditioned his withdrawal from diplomacy, but not from political life in which he remained active until his retirement.

Васељенска патријаршија, Српска православна црква и црквене реформе између два светска рата

Author(s): Radmila Radić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The demands for reforms in many matters occurred in the Orthodox Churches after the First World War. One of the most important of them was the matter of the calendar. Representatives of the Ecumenical Patriarchy were leading proponents of the reformist tendencies within Orthodoxy. This was a direct consequence of the political changes in Turkey in 1920s. They convened an all-Orthodox congress in Constantinople in 1923, which was attended also by the representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church. Neither all Orthodox Churches nor the majority of their representatives were represented at the congress, so its legitimacy soon became disputed. The decisions which were reached were not put to practice by most Orthodox Churches, and even where they were, it was not done in the same way, which led to serious splits within the Orthodox world. Although it had its representatives at the congress, the Serbian Orthodox Church did not apply its decisions (the calendar, the second marriage of priests etc.). Diverging opinions about the congress’s decisions caused serious polemics among theologians and priests in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Attempts at solving the questions which divided the orthodox world at the ecumenical congress yielded no results until the Second World War, and they remained open even later.

Пољопривреда јужне Србије у југословенским оквирима 1918–1929.

Author(s): Vladan Z. Jovanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The long Ottoman rule turned the territory of the Old Serbia and Macedonia into an economically extremely passive area. Although conditions for more free flow of goods and capital were created after the liberation, remnants of the feudal system and neglected agriculture aggravated by wartime devastations of 1912–1918, were felt in the later decades too. For that reason the attempt of the Yugoslav state to put an end to the economic depression called for a more comprehensive action. Lack of an adequate legal framework, monetary chaos, feudal mentality, primitive agriculture and semi-nomadic cattle-breeding, anahronistic transportation infrastructure, demographic instability of the region and poor security – were only some of the circumstances which nailed this province to the very bottom of all statistical presentations of the interwar Yugoslav economy. The evident economic lagging behind of the development of the Southeast of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as compared to the rest of the state, was caused by several more unpropitious factors: constant splitting of land possessions, slow recovery and inadequate war indemnification, destimulating customs policy, bad credit conditions etc. The state of agriculture of Southern Serbia was illustrated by statistical surveys and the so-called index of economic strength which was deemed a relevant measure of economic situation, based on the following parameters: population density, literacy of the population, the ratio between the arable land and intensive cultures in comparison with the total land surface, the state of the “dead” and unused livestock, crops of wheat and maize, the state of the cattle fund, characteristics of industrial population, length of railway tracks and roads, as well as the amount of savings and credits per inhabitant. Such geographical and numerical picture of the economic situation made a more balanced insight into the relations between certain parts of Yugoslavia possible, but it also confirmed the conclusion that the policy of an unstable agrarian state in a clumsily integrated area could hardly produce serious results.

Представе и стереотипи о Србији у виђењима Срба из Хрватске (1918–1929)

Author(s): Sofija Božić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The article explores the relations between the Serbs in Croatia and Serbia in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The results of the research indicate that the Serb people from the Croat territories, not having lost the feeling of spiritual unity with the Serbs of Serbia even under the Habsburgs, remained loyal to Serbia in the new state too. Not only the Radical, but also the Democrat/Independent-Democrat part of the Serb community cherished the awareness of Serbia’s greatness and importance. It seems the Serb national entity perceived in Yugoslavism no obstacle to attachment to Serbia, which had to be borne in mind even by that part of its political leadership which joined the Croats in their struggle against Belgrade in the second half of 1920s. However, when Serbian politicians and intellectuals from Croatia are in question, or at least those of their representatives who were active in public life, they left a number of interesting and provoking opinions about Serbia, mentality of its inhabitants and its leaders. These attitudes well reflect certain split between the political and intellectual elites from Serbia and Croatia. From a gamut of different views, ideas, experiences and reactions, the most representative have been picked out. Among them are the attitudes of politically independent intellectuals (Ljubomir Macić for example). Particularly critical attitude toward Serbia was shared above all by members of the circle around Svetozar Pribićević, as well as those who were democratically inclined. No harsh words about Serbia were to be heard from the ranks of the Radical politicians; on the contrary, they were prone to defend it, appreciating the victims and sufferings of Serbia and its contribution to the liberation and unification of all Serbs and other Yugoslav peoples. They were denouncing as irrational and unproductive the division into the Serbs from Serbia and from without it. The existence of two different political options, one of which siding with Zagreb, threatened to spoil not only the relations within the Serb community in Croatia, but also to weaken the feeling of loyalty of the Serbs from Croatia toward Serbia and to sever the ties binding them fast to their conationals from the Serbian mainland.

Француска, Срби и хрватско питање (1918–1921)

Author(s): Gordana Krivokapić Jović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Croat question in the newly created Yugoslav state reapeared on the basis of the old unrealised ideas and concepts of the strengthened Croat statehood which was to take as independent a position as possible in the Habsburg Monarchy. During the first wartime years members of the old political elite who grew up with such ideas, made connections with Radić’s Croat Peasants’ Party, which built up its profile, together with its leader, during the First World War. With its nature and events this war taught Radić that every turn was possible, that all ideas in most unlikely combinations were possible, that even the defeated ones could survive and realise some of their projects and plans. The new political grouping, basically exclusively nationalist and anti-Yugoslav, acquired a new revisionist, bolshevik or similar garb, thanks to its connections outside the country. The policy of the Croat-Serbian coalition was not continued after the war. France supported that policy ever since it countered by its project of “Greater Yugoslavia” all other plans for reorganization of the Habsburg Monarchy which were aimed at being an avant-garde of Germany in its penetration of the Southeast, as well as the project of “Greater Hungary” without the Monarchy, supported by Italy. The French project saw Belgrade and Serbia as the centre of Yugoslav unification, and it saw the aggressive attack on the Serbs in the Monarchy (abolition of their rights and existence) in the run-up to the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1908/9 as the point at which the predominant part of the Yugoslav population of the Monarchy was turned from loyal subject into its adversaries. The last shows of loyalty toward the old Monarchy occurred during the war 1914–1918 and they had a Croat variety. The French stuck to their basic attitudes about Yugoslavism as a state and national idea which would enable a reasonable policy of harmony between the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes during the founding of that state and during its existence, albeit the reality was much bleaker than had been projected. Such Yugoslav state was in keeping with French interests. It should have been capable enough to fulfill the expectations both of its own and of its wartime ally, to prevent the descent of Germanism to the Adriatic coast and to prevent Italy from joining the Germanic world with a long frontier, in order to be the means of spreading democracy, French culture and French influence in general in that part of the Slavic world. With its appearance and contents, the Croat question was not attuned to this.

Говори Милана Стојадиновића на парламентарним изборима 1938. године

Author(s): Bojan V. Simić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The paper analyzes the oratory of the Prime Minister of the Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Milan Stojadinović during the parliamentary election campaign in 1938. During the campaign Stojadinović held speeches at nine large rallies. In most of them certain composition can be detected. The first part comprized praises of the people and the area where the rally was being held. The second part explained what the situation in the country had been at the time the Stojadinović government took over. The third part presented the results of the government’s policies, the fourth was the critique of the opposition. The final part contained a call to vote for the Stojadinović ticket, seasoned with new promises. The speeches were attuned to the audience and were full of demagogy, but also of cleverly used phrases and popular proverbs. The length of certain parts of speeches depended on the proximity of the elections. Thus the critique of the opposition, which originally comprized smaller part of the talks, became the central part of speeches at the last rallies. The topics about which the Prime Minister spoke were constantly brought up to date with the current situation in the country and in the world. Milan Stojadinović possessed considerable gift of oratory but it could not ensure his staying in power under the difficult political and economic conditions prevailing in the then Kingdom of Yugoslavia.

Гимназије у Србији за време Краљевине СХС

Author(s): Dušan Bajagić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

A high-school in Serbia in the 1921/22 school-year had on the average 11 classes, 20 teachers and 510 students. It was in charge of a territory comprising 1,518.5 km2, with 11,998.3 households, i.e. of 65,549.8 inhabitants. There were 1,079.8 households and 5,899.5 inhabitants to a class. The only administrative units surpassing the average number of households and inhabitants to a class were the City of Belgrade with 185 households and 745 inhabitants, the Kragujevac District with 567 households and 2,960 inhabitants, the Niš District with 705 households and 4,177 inhabitants, the Čačak District with 866 households and 4,514 inhabitants, the Skopje District with 864 households and 4,716 inhabitants, and the Morava District with 906 households and 4,841 inhabitants per class. Five years later, thanks to the spread of the high-school network, there was one high-school to 1,310 km2. Although it had on the average 12.3 classes, it now had “only” 17 teachers and 495 students on the average. The number of state-run high-schools which offered instruction in four grades, was increased during that five-year period from 53 to 64, i.e. by 11 or by 20.75%. The non-classical high-school became the general type of secondary school in Serbia and the whole Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes during 1920s. The basic feature of its network and structure was determined by the constant position of Belgrade as the educational center. Throughout that period it had a significant advantage in the structure of high-schools, as compared with other towns and districts. On the other hand, the structure of high-schools wasn’t unified enough in other districts. It was much better in districts with major urban centers. Kragujevac, Niš and Skopje are good examples. The share of private high-schools declined sharply in Serbia during the times of the Kingdom of the Serbs Croats and Slovenes as compared with the pre-war times. However, their existence contributed considerably to the balance of the network and the structure of high-schools in certain districts. Although the development of the network and the structure of highschools was faster in Southern than in Northern Serbia, it wasn’t fast enough to do away with the obvious differences between the two regions. Furthermore, an unequal development of high-schools in South Serbia itself was also very much in evidence, producing significant differences among districts there, some of which remained with no high-schools throughout that period. This was particularly true of the those in the territory of Old Serbia.

О неким аспектима у функционисању српских исељеничких школа у Сједињеним Америчким Државама 1919–1941.

Author(s): Vesna Đikanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The problem of functioning of Serbian emigrants’ schools in the United States of America between the two world wars constituted not only an educational and schooling matter, but also as a matter of preservation of national consciousness, and – indirectly – also as the problem of ethnic survival of the Serbian emigration in America. However, even though both the Yugoslav government and the emigrants realized their importance, little was done in order to secure the necessary conditions for normal functioning of these educational institutions. Practically from the very beginning, the Serbian schools were plagued by lack of all school equipment, schoolbooks, adequate rooms for instruction, as well as by lack of trained teaching personnel. Irregular instruction, temporary character of their work and inequality of the teaching process were concomitant elements in the work of these schools. The main props of the educational process, the Church above all, but Serbian supportive associations too, tried to improve to certain extent the state in which education was. In these attempts they sought the support of the Yugoslav authorities too. However, the beginning of the Second World War would put an end to these attempts, with wartime events in the fatherland and the world gaining the uppermost priority in the activities and thoughts of the Serbian emigrants.

Demographic Changes in the Kingdom of SCS and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia

Author(s): Milka Bubalo-Živković,Bojan Đerčan / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Instead of the large Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, in 1918 new states were formed: Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS). A joined state, the Kingdom of SCS, was formed on important routes between Europe and Asia. On the other hand, this region was characterized by an undeveloped society which was behind English society by a century and a half in terms of industrial development. The Kingdom was divided into 33 regions, between 1923 and 1929, and since 1929 it was comprised of nine banovinas and the City of Belgrade with Zemun and Pancevo which formed a separate administrative unit. This area was 248.665 km2 big and there were 13.934.038 inhabitants in 1931. Based on available data, changes in sex-age structure of population, as well as changes in religion, native language and ethnic composition were analyzed in this paper. Demographic changes were a consequence of the political and economic events and traditional way of life, which influenced the migration trends that will be also addressed in this paper.

Делег итимация правящего режима в Королевстве Югославия как внутриполитическая предпосылка революции (1930-е – начало 1940-х гг .).

Author(s): Aleksandar Aleksandrovich Silkin / Language(s): Russian Publication Year: 0

Догађаји у Србији 1941–45. године – окупација, грађански рат и „револуција”, ослобођење и установљење нове комунистичке власти – у значајној мери су били одређени садејством многих спољних фактора. Унутрашње претпоставке за смену ауторитарног монархистичког режима тоталитарним комунистичким биле су у постепеном слабљењу положаја владајуће елите. У условима кризе шестојануарске диктатуре једини фактор стабилности постао је ауторитет краљаслободиоца-ујединитеља. До октобра 1934. он је успевао да угуши центрифугалне тенденције и гарантује целовитост државе. Даљи ток догађаја потврдио је оштроумност опажања савременика: „Ако је икада и постојао пример да нераскидивост ланца зависи од једног јединог звука, то је онда случај Југославије и њеног краља”. Крајем 30-их и почетком 40-их слабост регентства – које је зависило од присталица „племенског” партикуларизма, који је био лишен подршке оних који су били за јачање централне власти – унапред је одредила незаштићеност српских интереса. Као резултат тога, у ситуацији приближавања рата, делегитимација традиционалне политичке класе пружила је у Србији, као и у Русији 1917, добру подлогу за уздизање некада малобројних и маргиналних партија чије су пароле биле „општа једнакост”, „правда и прерасподела”, „интернационална солидардност”, „борба са антинародним режимом” и др.

Југословенске кризе (1918–1941) и Други светски рат на простору Србије у новијој српској историографији

Author(s): Dušan Bajagić,Aleksandar Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

In the focus of this article Yugoslavian crisis (1918–1941) and Serbia in the WWII are lying. Article shows main currents of Serbian and Yugoslav historiography from 1945 onwards, with in-detail retrospective of the most important researches published in last twenty years. It is established that historiography was under great political pressure in the first two decades after the WWII and during the civil-war era in the 1990’s. Social and political revolution that occurred in Yugoslavia as an outcome of civil war waged from 1941 to 1945 brought Yugoslav communist to power after the war. Tito and Party proclaimed parameters for official writing of history, with affirmation of partizan movement and communism as one of the main directions. This kind of relation toward the past dominated Yugoslav history until late 1970’s and emergence of several important researches conducted in accordance to scientific standards of historiography and mostly free from political influences. Since then an increase in quality of historiographic production can be seen. However, this positive tendency came to end with the outbreak of wars for Yugoslav heritage in 1990’s, when most of historiography was under very strong influence of nationalism and war rhetoric. During that period part of historiography production was subdued to intense revision, especially themes connected to civil war during the WWII in Yugoslavia. New century came with new historical approaches and with new themes of research, broading and improving horizonts of Serbian historiography.