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After the destruction of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the middle of April 1941, massive changes occurred in the whole of southeastern Europe, and in the Danubian- Carpathian region. Hungary under Horthy, with the support of the Axis powers, tried to revive the idea of “Greater Hungary” whose borders would include territories of the long-gone Hungarian kingdom. Romania’s situation was most difficult, as it was forced to relinquish Transylvania. The situation of Romania resulted in the idea to develop closer ties with countries similar circumstances. The NDH accepted Romania’s proposal in order to strengthen its position in negotiations with Hungary regarding the return of occupied Međimurje and Baranja. Later, the Republic of Slovakia also accepted the Romanian initiative. As a result, the idea of renewing the Little Entete was reborn, but no longer with political foundations grounded in the Treaty of Versailles, but in the context of altering Southeastern Europe according to the plans of Berlin. In the meantime, because of war on the eastern front, and strong Italian sympathies for Hungary, Germany postponed the international conference on reorganizing Danubian and Balkan borders planned for the summer of 1942. Although it remained only in a speculative phase, ideas of renewing the Little Entente significantly unnerved Budapest, who relaxed its governmental policies toward non-Hungarian minorities in occupied territories. Discussions regarding the renewal of the Little Entente continued until the coup d’etat in Romania in the summer of 1944 and the arrival of communists in power.
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The author reveals how the colonization of Slavonia and Srijem during the course of the war occurred along the lines of planned implementation. This colonization reached its height in the first year of the war (1941), and its organized implementation continued until 1943. Settlers came from poorer or wartorn regions of the NDH. The Institute for Colonization regulated the settling of eastern Croatia. Settlers were settled on expropriated large estates. According to sources, there was a majority of 70,000 settlers. After World War II, colonization of eastern Croatia resumed. In this wave of recolonization, 50,000 settlers arrived.
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In this work, the author underlines the importance of the Association “Napredak” in the cultural enlightenment and advancement of Croatian national conscience among the population of Gospić. This association enabled the education of youth in Lika, one of the poorest regions of Croatia. The preamble of its charter explains how the association was formed during Austro-Hungarian times. After the introduction of King Alexander Karadjordjević’s dictatorship, the chapter of Napredak in Gospić was dissolved (1932). The chapter was revived in 1935, and successfully continued to reduce illiteracy, increase its own literary publications and organize cultural life. Because of the outbreak of World War II, the work of the association slowed down, and after the war, Napredak was outlawed.
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Review of: Stjepan Matković - Pravila društava 1845.-1945. Tematski vodič, Hrvatski državni arhiv, ur. Slavica PLEŠE, Obavijesna arhivska pomagala, Zagreb 2000., 333 str.
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Review of: Aleksandra Bednjanec-Vuković - Josip GRBELJA, Uništeni naraštaj. Tragične sudbine novinara NDH, Zagreb 2000., 233 str.
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Review of: Nikica Barić - The Times Atlas Zweiter Weltkrieg, Herausgegeben von John Keegan, Bechtermiinz Verlag (Weltbild Verlag GmbH), Augsburg 1999, 255 str.
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On the basis of previously inaccessible archival documents, and the secondary literature, the author shows the aims of the Ustasha movement in emigration after 1945 to combat the communist government and Yugoslavia in order to re-establish the Independent State of Croatia. For this purpose, they planned to organize the guerilla, or "crusader", groups still operating in Croatia and Bosnia and Hercegovina under the umbrella of so-called Croatian military forces. Counting on support from the US and Great Britain in an anti-communist alliance against the Soviet east, the political orientation of the Ustasha leadership became pro-western. Contact with western agents revealed western interest in military intelligence and information about the military potential of the "crusaders," but they insisted that contact remain with specific individuals and not extend to official recognition. In opposition to the "liberal capitalist" system of the west, the ustasha leadership emphasized the importance of state, communal and private ownership, and likewise the necessity of preserving the peasant smallhold as the basis of "Croatian national life." The anticipated armed struggle was to be carried out exclusively by the Ustasha, but the future state was to be formed on the principles of democracy and national sovereignty.
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This article deals with the issue of communist repression during 1945. The repressiveness of the totalitarian communist system became manifest in many spheres of public, cultural and political life. The primary concern of every communist regime, including the Yugoslavian, is the elimination of political opponents. For this reason, in Croatia, following the Second World War, advocates of democracy among the middle-classes and the intellectuals were targeted. The Survey Commission was the organization that was given the responsibility of “establishing the fact of criminal collaboration with the enemy in cultural matters.” In the area of Zagreb alone, which this article studies, 176 persons were pronounced criminals for “cultural collaboration with the enemy,” 54 complaints were lodged with the public prosecutor for insulting the honour of the nation, and hundreds of “questionnaires” were filled out. These types of activities on the part of the Survey Commission allowed the Yugoslav communist authorities to carry out various forms of repression (including show trials, loss of occupation, jail sentences and even execution).
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The period of activity of the Croatian Democratic Party, or as it would later be known, the Croat People’s Progressive Party, conforms with the transformation of the political scene in Dalmatia. The old National Party lost its importance, while the younger generation of politicians inaugurates the arrival of new political forces in Dalmatia. The younger generation grouped around the Croat People’s Progressive Party. This was the first political party that was active in Dalmatia as well as Civil Croatia, and to have sympathizers in Bosnia and Hercegovina. This article deals specifically with the part played by Ivo Tartaglia (1880-1949) in the Croat People’s Progressive Party.
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Review of: Franko Mirošević - Zdenko RADELIĆ, Božidar Magovac - S Radićem između Mačeka i Hebranga, Hrvatski institut za povijest i Dom i svijet, Zagreb 1999., 261 str.
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Review of: Hrvoje Matković - ZDENKO RADELIĆ, BOŽIDAR MAGOVAC - S RADIĆEM IZMEĐU MAČEKA I HEBRANGA, Hrvatski institut za povijest i Dom i svijet, Zagreb 1999., 261 str.
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The politics of violence practiced by the Italian fascist regime of Istria during the interwar period, especially as it was directed against the Croatian and Slovenian population, incited in these people an euphoria of nationalism during the general national uprising of September 1943, and immediately following liberation in 1945, a “national revenge” against the mainly urban Italian population. National tensions between Croats and Slovenes on one hand, and Croats and Italians on the other, were the result of the unclarified political status of Istria. Tensions peaked as the peacemakers conferred in Paris. Research revealed that the causes behind the mass exodus of Italians were many in number and complicated. These causes were likewise difficult to follow because it was often hard to disentangle social factors, such as family, upbringing, education, and cultural background from political and economic factors.
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Polazeći od uvjerenja da je poznavanje gospodarsko-društvene prošlosti temeljni preduvjet spoznavanju egzistencije jednog naroda i njegova razvitka u proteklosti vremena, autor pokušava odgovoriti na ova pitanja: koliki je prostor bio posvećen gospodarskoj povijesti u osnovnoškolskim/gimnazijskim udžbenicima povijesti i kakav je pristup pritom bio primjenjivan u promatranom polustoljetnom razdoblju.
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Review of: Nikica Barić - ROBERTO SPAZZALL, SOTTO LA TODT - AFFARI, SERVIZIO OBBLIGATORIO DEL LAVORO, DEPORTAZIONI NELLA ZONA D'OPERAZIONI "LITORALE ADRIATICO" (1943-1945), Libreria Editrice Goriziana, Gorizia, 1998., 364 str.
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Povijest Nijemaca na europskom istoku i jugoistoku, i u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, napose u Podunavlju, predmet je mnogih radova povjesničara i publicista, u prvom redu njemačkih. Unatoč svemu, do danas nema cjelovita, objektivna prikaza povijesti jugoslavenskih Nijemaca. Naime, pred historiografijom su još uvijek mnoga otvorena i neriješena pitanja.
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The realization that health care is one of the most significant aspects within the concerns of governance was awakened in the mid-18th century. A health and welfare institution, that is to say the Civic Hospital, was established in Osijek in 1741; one of its functions was to provide health care to the poor of the town which implies that it operated as an almshouse right from the start. The work of the Civic Hospital in the New Town stopped in 1874 with the construction of the new hospital building in the Lower Town and the opening of the General and Public Huttler Kohlhoffer Monsperger Foundation Hospital. From then on, the Civic Hospital facility was converted into the City Almshouse where old women and men were accommodated so that they should not perish from becoming homeless. From September 1, 1890 up until 1952 the care for the poor and those in need of care was provided by the Association of Sisters of Mercy of St. Vincent de Paul from Zagreb. Since year after year the numbers of the indigent increased, in 1902, built to the western courtyard side was the building in which was located the Mijo Cseh Institution for the Care of the Mentally Ill located in the Civic Almshouse. The City Almshouse was a ground floor building and in the first decades of the 20th century it did not meet the spatial requirements, hence in 1936 a first floor was built on and a large number of the poor and infirm were cared for. As in 1952 the work and care of the Association of Sisters of Mercy of St. Vincent de Paul in the City Almshouse was prohibited, the Peoples Committee of the town of Osijek registered the pre-war City Almshouse on May 20, 1954 in Martin Divald Street 2 as the Nursing Home for the Elderly and Infirm.
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When attempting to discuss and appraise the contribution of Wrocław-based composers to the Silesian and national musical culture in Poland, one should remember that the Wrocław music milieu came into existence only after the Second World War, and it developed from scratch, with no Polish roots it could refer to. However, in spite of difficult conditions in which it emerged, the milieu of Wrocław-based composers has always been open to new trends and movements. The article presents the achievements of the composers during different periods in the post-war Polish music history of the 20th and 21st centuries in the context of political and cultural changes, which provide a reference frame for the critical discourse. The aim is to determine characteristic features of the music of Wrocław-based composers and assess the significance of their cultural achievements from a local and national perspective.
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The text is part of a diary kept by eng. Yurdan Danchov, who in the period 1942–1945 was the first rector of the Higher Technical School (University) in Sofia. Records from August 1944 to May 1945 were selected, which reflected the public mood on the eve of the Soviet Army's approach to the Bulgarian borders and the looming political change in the country. Also the situation immediately after the coup of September 9, 1944 and the activity of normalizing the educational process were selected. Additionally, the constant attacks by representatives of the new government in order to seize the leadership of the School and to carry out a political purge were selected. The diary provides significant information not only about personal attitudes and public moods, the current ideological atmosphere and changing agenda, but also about the behavior of individual professional groups, the mixing of ideological and career motives and more.
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