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The Michaelite Fathers (The Congregation of Saint Michael the Archangel) were the last to arrive in the territory of the Chełmno diocese among several orders which had started to operate there during the interwar period. At the same time, their arrival in Toruń was the only case of the order being brought to a given area by a clergyman of the diocese. Despite being involved in the work of St. Mary’s Rosary Institute from the beginning of 1939, the Michaelites did not manage to find their place in the sacral space of the town. They were not to blame for this. When Germans took over Toruń in the first days of September 1939, the only Michaelite was forced to leave the city. Nevertheless, the first steps in the work of the ministry in the city and dioceses had been already taken. The Michaelites returned to Toruń in 1948. They restored their activity in the district of Bydgoskie Przedmieście with a modest small chapel and building of the Rosary Institute. Originally, the priests exercised pastoral ministry among the inhabitants of the district, and later of the whole city, helping parish priests of other parish churches in Toruń. From year to year the congregation extended the scope of its activity among children and young people (until 1961 they taught religion at schools, later in special classrooms adjacent to parish churches), helping the poor, the sick, the handicapped, the blind. They worked also away from Toruń such as in the ministry centre, the parish church in Górsk, where the monks manager to build a sculpture commemorating the death of Rev. Popiełuszko. Prior to WWII, the Michaelites started to make an effort to have their own church built. They continued their efforts after the end of the war. The works lasted over 30 years. In 1949 the monks opened a public chapel, which was later extended, along with a monastic house. The plans of the construction of the church were ready in 1957. In 1963 a lot where the church was to be erected was acquired. The next step in the process of the creation of the Michaelites’ monastic houses in Toruń was the foundation of an independent pastoral centre in 1970. In 1976 the Roman Catholic Parish Church of Saint Michael the Archangel was set up in Toruń. Yet, the cornerstone was laid down in 1983 and consecrated in 1987.
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The article presents the biography and scientific achievements of the outstanding researcher of ancient culture, Margarete Bieber (1879–1978). At the same time, it is an example of women’s emancipatory aspirations in this region at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The article describes the less-known Pomeranian roots of Margarete Bieber. She came from Przechów (Schönau, Świecie district) in former Western Prussia. Bieber was the first woman from Western Prussia to pass high school final examinations in Toruń in 1901. Then, despite all kinds of difficulties arising from her gender and ethnicity, she made an excellent academic career in Germany and the United States. The article also describes in detail the Pomeranian Bieber family living in Przechów and their property status (until the sale of the mills in 1921). Jacob Bieber, Margarete’s father, the owner of “the most important mills in Pomerania – Przechowo”, who perhaps was interested in ancient art himself, supported the scholar’s research for a long time. The high financial and social status of the family was important for her educational opportunities, but it was not recognized in the article as the most important reason for her success. First of all, her personality features, talent and great diligence were emphasized.
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In March 1943 was signed of the neutrality pact Kelcyra-Dalmazzo. At the same time in the underground there was a discussion for unite all the factions of the resistance. In August 1943, an agreement in Mukje was reached, but it was broken by the communists. Their actions led to the outbreak of the Civil War. The partisans „of the character red star” decided to physically eliminate his interlocutors from Balli Kombetar (National Front ) and created at the end of 1943 promonarchic organization Legaliteti (Legality). After the capitulation of Italy in September 1943 into Albania entered subunits of the german Wehrmacht. Under the patronage of the Germans – independent government was appointed in Albania. The deteriorating situation in the Balkan fronts forced the German command to withdraw its forces in October 1944 in the territory of Albania. Anti-communist formations have not been able to overcome converted into regular military units Communist troops. At the end of 1944, Albania and Kosovo was in the iron grip of the “red” dictatorship. Started a period of mass repressions which fell victim tens of thousands of people. Albanians in Kosovo in December 1944 caused a rise. It was, however, quickly suppressed by Yugoslav security forces. From December 1944 until the early 50’s in Albania and Kosovo Albanian fought „cursed soldiers”. Despite his determination, they could not overcome the challenge of the Communist machine of terror. Thousands of them have dedicated their lives to fight for the freedom of Albania.
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The attire characteristic for peasants was described by ethnographers from the early nineteenth century, and the interest in folklore itself transformed from amateur item collecting to an academic discipline, namely ethnography. Researchers were intrigued by hand-made folk costumes, which contrasted with the factory-made clothing of the urban population. As the political importance of the peasantry grew, stylised folk costumes became an element of regional and ethnic identity. The motif of peasant culture found its way into global literature and the folk elements into political propaganda of the twentieth century. At the same time the origin of folk costumes and their design arouses controversy among researchers. Are they reconstructions of the past or perhaps ideologically motivated constructs? The article presents this issue on the example of a Kashubian costume created according to the concept of Professor Bożena Stelmachowska (1889–1956). On the basis of previously unexplored descriptions of peasants’ appearance contained in arrest warrants from the first half of the nineteenth century, the sources and research paradigm, which became a basis for the creation of the model Kashubian attire in 1954–1959, have been subjected to criticism. The concept adopted by the older scholarship was not confirmed as no primary sources (material artifacts, iconographic representations, written descriptions, etc.) were found. The similarity of clothes worn by Kashubians with clothes worn by other peasants was demonstrated, and so was the influence of military uniforms on men’s clothes. The model of Kashubian costume proposed by Stelmachowska should be treated as an intellectual construction that reflects certain trends in folklore studies of the time and a response to ideological and propaganda needs that arose in Pomerania after 1945.
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The text is part of a diary kept by eng. Yurdan Danchov, who in the period 1942–1945 was the first rector of the Higher Technical School (University) in Sofia. Records from August 1944 to May 1945 were selected, which reflected the public mood on the eve of the Soviet Army's approach to the Bulgarian borders and the looming political change in the country. Also the situation immediately after the coup of September 9, 1944 and the activity of normalizing the educational process were selected. Additionally, the constant attacks by representatives of the new government in order to seize the leadership of the School and to carry out a political purge were selected. The diary provides significant information not only about personal attitudes and public moods, the current ideological atmosphere and changing agenda, but also about the behavior of individual professional groups, the mixing of ideological and career motives and more.
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Romanian Foreign Minister Grigore Gafencu’s visit to Warsaw in March 1939 showed that both countries wanted to restore national cooperation. A far-reaching convergence of views on the international situation in Central and Eastern Europe became apparent at that time. Gafencu seemed to share Polish Foreign Minister Józef Beck’s views on the need for a Romanian-Hungarian agreement and the establishment of a bloc of states between the Baltic and the Mediterranean Seas. It could have been assumed that the envisaged Polish-Romanian alliance would have a significant impact on the further development of relations in this part of Europe. However, the occupation of the remainder of Czechoslovakia by the Third Reich on March 14, 1939, and the related mediation by Poland concerning the division of Transcarpathian Ruthenia between Hungary and Romania, not only turned out to be ineffective, but also led to far-reaching rifts between Warsaw and Bucharest. From then on, each ally would follow its own path until the outbreak of World War II.
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For the most part, the spring of 1920 marked the end of the actions of the Romanian army for the defence of the territory of Greater Romania following the decisions from Chișinău, Chernivtsi and Alba Iulia, but the insecurity at the eastern border required the forces deployed between Prut and Dniester to remain on high alert up until May 1921. In the early 1920s, the threats Romania had to face came in the form of the revisionist policies openly promoted by the USSR, Hungary and Bulgaria, which were countered with the creation of a system of alliances with the neighboring states, which complemented the existing alliance with France. This sense of security, which, in hindsight, proved short-lived, translated in decreased attention granted to the needs of the army. The 1930s, however, brought dramatic changes with the rise of the Nazi party in Germany. Naturally, all these shifts reflected on the Romanian General Staff, which was shaped according to the perceptions of the Romanian decision-makers at any given moment of the interwar period.
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The material brings to the public's attention the dispute between Romania and Ukraine, which appeared and was amplified during the 2000s, and which generated, at the same time, diplomatic tensions and concerns of the European Community related to environmental policies. Far from being solved, the problem remained in a relatively latent state, which can, at any time, escalate with negative consequences both economically and politically.
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The study analyses the role of the military in the collapse of the country’s borders in June-September 1940. In this period, Romania found itself isolated, politically and militarily, and the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact (August 23, 1939) placed it at the discretion of the two totalitarian powers – Germany and USSR. The rapid defeat of France in just six weeks (May 10 – June 22, 1940) represented a huge surprise for the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin, who expected a prolonged war, similar to that of 1914-1918. Thus, the Soviet Union kept its forces intact and were in the position to tip the balance of victory on the Western front. The new circumstances allowed Moscow to materialize its old strategic objectives. Stalin decided to act forcefully and, by two ultimatums, he demanded Bessarabia, as stipulated in the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact, and in addition Northern Bukovina, a claim which created the first breach in the German-Soviet friendship. Although Soviet preparations and intentions were well known, the leadership in Bucharest did not have a clear stance on whether to defend or evacuate Bessarabia. Under these circumstances, the army was placed in a humiliating position, being forced to surrender without a fight the territory between Dniester and Prut and Northern Bukovina. In addition, the military leadership (the minister of war and the chief of staff) invoked the unfavourable forces ratio and opted for evacuation. The same situation repeated in the wake of the Vienna Diktat of August 30, 1940, the arguments invoked being once again the difficult military situation and the prospective dissolution of the Romanian state. Again, the army was ordered to evacuate northeastern Transylvania without a fight, but the withdrawal was slightly more organized. While the decision to accept the ultimatums and the diktats was primarily political, the army, despite having a secondary role in this drama, became one of its prime victims. It was put in the position to evacuate without a fight an important part of the national territory. Thus, the leadership opted for the formula ”we cede territories to keep the state” instead of armed resistance, as it would have been the case. The non-combat approach from the summer of 1940 had and still has major consequences over the Romanian psyche.
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In summer of 1940, as a result of Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the USSR concluded on August 23rd 1939, and of rapid German victories against Poland and France in the following year, the borders of Greater Romania were amputated in favour of the Soviet Union, Hungary and Bulgaria. After 20 years of policy for maintaining the Versailles system, the Romanian leadership could not prevent this catastrophe.
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The article is dedicated to the 140th anniversary of the birth of Mykolas Romeris, the most famous and most deserving Lithuanian lawyer of all time. The article aims to reveal the development of the institute of administrative court in the world and in Lithuania by analyzing the content of M. Romeris’ monograph „Administrative Court“. The monograph „Administrative Court“ is written in a complex language. The reason for this is the lack of administrative law terms and studies in Lithuania. Moreover, it is obvious that the author himself, while writing this work, studied and tried to understand the phenomenon of administrative law and administrative justice.
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Bojan Simic, Milan Stojadinovic and Italy: between diplomacy and propaganda, Institute of Recent History of Serbia, Belgrade, 2019, 287 pages.
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The onset and spread of infectious diseases in occupied Serbia in World War II, as in every war, was a consequence of deteriorating social, economic, and hygienic conditions. The war brought destruction and devastation, shortages of basic consumer goods (food, clothing, medicines, hygiene products ...), mass movements of people (refugees, military units...), but also a worsening of the country's poor pre-war hygiene conditions, triggering a sudden multiplication of factors capable of causing serious epidemics of certain infectious diseases, primarily those characteristic of wartime, such as exanthematic typhus, typhoid fever, paratyphoid, diphtheria, dysentery, hepatitis, and others. During the war and the occupation, most infectious diseases, mainly intestinal (typhus and paratyphoid, dysentery, diphtheria), appeared in the form of minor epidemics and affected various parts of the occupied territory. Their appearance was a direct result of poor hygiene, poverty, lack of toilets, and widespread ignorance. Available information, although not complete, shows that 1942 had the largest number of these epidemics of smaller proportions. At the same time, two major epidemics broke out that year - typhus and malaria. The typhus epidemic, infecting around 5,000 people, occurred mainly in the western part of Serbia. The infection was brought by refugees from Bosnia, as an endemic area of --typhus. By applying a series of epidemiological measures specific for the infection using experience gained in World War I, the disease was suppressed by the end of the war. However, it was not completely eradicated due to the large number of lice-ridden population. On the other hand, a bigger malaria epidemic, with almost 12,000 reported cases, affected the well-known malaria hotspots such as Posavina, Mačva, and the areas around Negotin and Leskovac. The application of antimalarial measures as well as favorable weather conditions reduced this epidemic by almost one half by the end of 1943. In any case, infectious diseases in occupied Serbia during World War II had a far lower morbidity and mortality than during World War I. This comes as no surprise because vaccines were introduced for some of these diseases and knowledge about them increased significantly in the interwar period. Also, health services were very well organized during the occupation and one could even say that they were able to control every epidemic relatively quickly by applying the necessary hygienic and anti-epidemic measures (isolation, immunization, etc.).
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Rade Ristanovic, Belgrade Ravnogorci: Yugoslav Army in the Homeland and Ravnogorski movement in occupied Belgrade 1941–1944, Institute of Contemporary History, Belgrade, 2020, 427 pages.
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This article answers the question how the situation of incorporation of Central Pomerania, formerly a German region, into Poland in 1945 affected the formation of its commemorative landscape. The author discusses how this affected the erection of new monuments after 1945, and if the example of German Great War memorials, erected here after 1918, had an influence on new Polish commemorative practices. A “competition of memories” is used here as the analytical tool. It is understood as a phenomenon that occurs in areas where two cultures are superimposed on one another, so primary commemorations are copied, employing the structures of the existing memorials, to produce secondary commemorations. Through an analysis of archival and fieldwork materials, the author examines the social practices of memory. The case studies are memorials recycled for commemorations connected to the Pomeranian Line and mythology of “recovery,” legitimising the incorporation of Central Pomerania into Poland.
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This article examines women’s wartime experiences with a focus on Latvia’s women volunteers in the Red Army in World War II. An estimated 8 percent of the Red Army was composed of women, who played a wide array of roles, including as snipers, combat engineers, medics, and frontline journalists. This level of female participation was unique in World War II, but a close examination of the phenomenon shows that motives and means for entry into the Red Army at the beginning of the war were not uniform. Our examination of the case of women volunteers from the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic reveals key factors that fed women’s fervent desire to “get to the front.” It shows particular ways in which the Red Army functioned as an unlikely refuge, sheltering women from some of the hardships and threats of life in the Soviet Russian interior, including hunger, loneliness, and a lack of warm clothing, while providing a means of exacting revenge against a mortal enemy. At the same time, it exposed women to extremes of violence and conflict. Dominant Soviet narratives of women in war have presented them in largely marginal roles or have silenced stories that failed to comport with triumphalist and masculine representations of World War II. This work uses the voices of women volunteers in the Latvian Riflemen’s Divisions of the Red Army to construct an agent-centered history of motives, experiences, and memories.
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