Bashkëpunimi i Kosovës me disa Vende Evropiane në Vitin 1981

Author(s): Kosovar Basha / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 45/2015

As part of the overall relations of Yugoslavia, in the plan and its Kosovo as part of our country in 1981 he created several reports with European countries in several areas. It is worth emphasizing cooperation with countries such as Italy, Austria, Hungary, Ro-mania, Greece, Turkey, Cyprus and Malta where they had the normal development of relations of good neighborhood, which nevertheless presented an important element of strengthening security and opposition to the policy of spheres interest. Our relations with several countries during 1981 primarily with Albania and Bulgaria were delicate because of politics; this led to the terminated cooperation with these countries. This pa-per provided an overview of the development of economic cooperation, cultural and educational cooperation between Kosovo and certain European countries in 1981.

Die Vertreibung der Sudetendeutschen und die tschechoslowakische Opposition in den 70er Jahren

Author(s): Bradley F. Abrams / Language(s): German Issue: 10/1995

In seiner Untersuchung über die Revision der Nachkriegsgeschichte durch die tschechoslowakische intellektuelle Opposition in der Zeit der »Normalisierung« beschäftigt sich Bradley F. Abrams mit der Samisdat-Diskussion über die Aussiedlung der böhmischen Deutschen, und ich bin ihm dankbar, daß er nicht, wie andere, der Ansicht ist, daß allein die oppositionellen 68er moralische und politische Zweifel an der kollektiven Aussiedlung der Deutschen hegten. In einer seiner informativen Fußnoten weist er darauf hin, daß kritische Gedanken über die Aussiedlung schon in den »Emigrantenkreisen.« von 1948 im Umlaufe waren.

Vertriebene und Emigranten

Author(s): Peter Demetz / Language(s): German Issue: 10/1995

In seiner Untersuchung über die Revision der Nachkriegsgeschichte durch die tschechoslowakische intellektuelle Opposition in der Zeit der »Normalisierung« beschäftigt sich Bradley F. Abrams mit der Samisdat-Diskussion über die Aussiedlung der böhmischen Deutschen, und ich bin ihm dankbar, daß er nicht, wie andere, der Ansicht ist, daß allein die oppositionellen 68er moralische und politische Zweifel an der kollektiven Aussiedlung der Deutschen hegten. In einer seiner informativen Fußnoten weist er darauf hin, daß kritische Gedanken über die Aussiedlung schon in den »Emigrantenkreisen.« von 1948 im Umlaufe waren.

Der Doppelcharakter des Prager Frühlings

Author(s): Petr Pithart / Language(s): German Issue: 15/1998

Der Prager, oder besser: tschechoslowakische Frühling ist in meinem Land nicht einmal im Jahr seines 30. Jahrestages Diskussionsthema. Hat man ihn vergessen, weil er mit unseren heutigen Problemen nichts zu tun hat? Oder macht man ihn vergessen, weil er unangenehme Assoziation an allzu Aktuelles weckt? Wenn wir auf diese Fragen eine Antwort finden wollen, müssen wir uns mit dem Zeitgeist und mit unserer eigenen Geistesverfassung auseinandersetzen. Und wir müssen die Ereignisse von vor dreißig Jahren hinterfragen, zum einen, um nicht der Versuchung des Moralisierens zu erliegen, zum andern, weil sich dort Gründe für das heutige Vergessen verbergen. Und um diese Gründe ist es mir hier zu tun.

Transformationen des österreichischen Gedächtnisses

Author(s): Heidemarie Uhl / Language(s): German Issue: 15/1998

Wien: Heldenplatz

Author(s): Ernst Hanisch / Language(s): German Issue: 15/1998

»Erinnerungsorte« nach Pierre Nora sind Zwitterorte.1 Sie liegen zwischen dem Sakralen und Profanen; sie sind »dicht gesponnen aus Leben und Tod«; sie sind Repräsentationen kollektiver Wahrnehmungen und Bewertungen, sind Ausdruck der jeweils herrschenden Macht und Vergegenwärtigung kollektiver Identitäten. Der Erinnerungsort Heldenplatz ist obsessiv von einem Ereignis besetzt. Am 15. März 1938 meldete der»Führer und Kanzler der deutschen Nation und des Reiches«, Adolf Hitler, hoch vom Balkon der Neuen Hofburg her, »vor der deutschen Geschichte« - jenem übernatürlichem Wesen, das mit der »Vorsehung« verschmolz - den Eintritt seiner Heimat in das Deutsche Reich. Die nationalen Sehnsüchte des 19. Jahrhunderts schienen erfüllt. Der Strom der österreichischen Geschichte mündete, so schien es, in den Hauptstrom der deutschen Geschichte.

Vergessene Deutsche - Erinnerte Deutsche

Author(s): Rainer Münz,Rainer Ohliger / Language(s): German Issue: 15/1998

»In einer Zeit, in der wieder Millionen Menschen auf der Flucht sind, sollte wenigstens die Erinnerung an die große zivilisatorische Wunde der Vertreibung der Deutschen wachgehalten werden, um künftiges Unrecht zu verhindern. Wenn gelehrt wird, daß Luther aus Ostdeutschland und Kant aus Rußland stammen, daß Tilsit in Holland liegt und es ein Landsberg nur am Lech gibt, daß die Deutschen in jenen Gebieten verdientermaßen umgesiedelt wurden, dann wird klar, was die Vertriebenen heute erleben: eine zweite Vertreibung.«! Die Klage des FAZ-Autors ließe sich beliebig erweitern. Gerhart Hauptmann: ein polnischer Nobelpreisträger und Großschriftsteller, Herder: der russisch-lettische Entdecker des Volksgeistes, die Schlacht von Kunersdorf: eine auf polnischem Staatsgebiet und daher verdientermaßen erlittene preußische Niederlage, quasi das Stalingrad Friedrichs des Großen.

Die zwei Gesichter der Religion

Author(s): Shlomo Avineri / Language(s): German Issue: 16/1999

Wie die Bibel erzählt, geschah der erste Mord aus Neid. Kain tötete seinen Bruder Abel jedoch nicht, weil er ihm Wohlstand, Macht, Schönheit oder Status mißgönnte, sondern weil Gott das Opfer des Abel dem seinen vorgezogen hatte. Der erste Menschenrnord hatte also ein religiöses Motiv - das menschliche Streben, vor Gottes Antlitz das Richtige zu tun. Aus dieser Erzählung spricht ein Wissen von der Macht der Religion und der religiösen Hingabe, die die Menschen nicht nur zu frommen Taten und zur Selbstaufopferung motivieren, sondern auch zu Gewalt, ja sogar zu Mord und Brudermord bringen kann; sie enthält vielleicht sogar eine sanfte Warnung vor den Exzessen religiösen Eifers.

“WE WILL DEFINITELY GO BACK HOME”

Author(s): Péter Igó-Kemenes / Language(s): English Issue: 05/2016

SHELTERED BY THE EMBASSY OF BELGIUM IN BUDAPEST

Author(s): Judit Antónia Farkas / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 05/2016

Chronicle of an Extraordinary Year

Author(s): George Gömöri / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 05/2016

'Peace in Security' and the 'Bridge Border'

Author(s): Diego D'Amelio / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2015

The essay presents several ideas regarding the management of the ‘Adriatic Question’ in the period following World War II. It focuses particular attention to the strategies of the political centreleft, of ‘Moroteism’, and of ‘border Catholicism’ aimed at overcoming the legacy of the conflict and achieving normalisation of Italo-Yugoslav relations after the return of Trieste to Italy in 1954. The analysis reconstructs the conciliatory path of two bordering states, formerly divided by fierce national, political, and ideological rivalry. Drawing a parallel between the choices made centrally and those made locally, the work furthermore examines the connection between Aldo Moro’s ‘Ostpolitik’ and the line taken by Trieste’s Christian Democrats, both of which sought to put an end to controversy on the eastern border - following the so-called ‘defence of Italianness’ (1945-1954) - in a situation characterised by a lowering of tensions between the blocs, by the reorganisation of international Communism, and by the multilateralism of the Helsinki Conference. The aim of the paper is therefore to shed light on how and with what consequences Moro’s ‘Peace in Security’ and the ‘Bridge Border’ strategy - the leading principles of the Julian Christian Democrats throughout the 1960s and 1970s - established on the one hand a relationship of collaboration with Tito’s Yugoslavia (culminating in the Treaty of Osimo in 1975) and on the other designed a new political, economic, and national function for the peripheral region of Venezia Giulia, whose sovereignty had long been contested and which had been severely penalised in the aftermath of the Second World War.

Gyorsan, olcsót és jót tömeges mennyiségben – a lakáshiány és politika kapcsolatának analízise

Author(s): Írisz Feitl / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 1/2016

A társadalom gyarmatosítása és az „állam magánosítása”

Author(s): Zsombor Bódy / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 3/2016

Nagy Ágnes: Harc a lakáshivatalban. Politikai átalakulás és mindennapi érdekérvényesítés a fővárosban, 1945–1953. Korall, Budapest, 2013. 422 oldal

„Cultele neoprotestante şi drepturile omului în România”. Un memoriu din 1977

Author(s): Dorin Dobrincu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/2012

The 1970’s marked in Europe and North America the reaffirming of human rights. The Final Act of the Helsinki Conference (August 1, 1975) played an essential role in that respect. Even though Nicolae Ceauşescu, Romania's President at that time, signed this document, Romanians faced during the following period an increasing number of human rights abuses. The most flagrant abuses were probably those related to religious freedom. The so-called Neoprotestant denominations, in particular, were subjected by mid ’70s to a treatment of increased oppression and discrimination. This fact led to some reactions initiated mainly by pastors and preachers, some of whom displayed great acts of courage, energy and vision. Several memoranda were elaborated ‘in protest’ in Romania between 1973-1974. Some results were achieved at that time. After 1975, however, given the increased ideological control and the emphasis on the nationalist communist vision, members of the Neoprotestant denominations, particularly the Baptist, Brethren, Pentecostal as well as the Seventh-Day Adventist denominations, were subjected to a systematic limitation of religious manifestation.. Furthermore, additional measures were taken to marginalize and stigmatize the Romanian Neoprotestants. Adults were reduced to lower ranks or dismissed from their workplace; children and young people were discriminated in schools and obstructed from attending high schools and universities. In 1977, to protest this assault on religious freedom, a memorandum titled ‘The Neoprotestant Denominations and the Human Rights in Romania’ was published. The report was structured in three sections chapter I, Decree no. 153/1970 and the human rights; chapter II, The pressure exercised on the Neoprotestants at work, demoting and dismissing; and finally, chapter III, Discrimination in schools. This document gathered tens of persecution cases against believers from all of Romania, from all of the mentioned denominations, and from various social strata. Although it received large support among many lay people and pastors who were influential within their communities, in the end only six persons signed it: Iosif Ţon, Silvian Cioată, Pavel Nicolescu, Aurelian Popescu, Constantin Caraman, Radu Dumitrescu. On August 3, 1977, the document was broadcasted on Radio Free Europe and lead to the immediate arrest, interrogation and mistreatment of those who signed it. These individuals were released after six weeks of arrest and then closely supervised by the secret police (the Securitate). Death-threats were also made against them. Finally they emigrated, except two of them. The document Cultele neoprotestante şi drepturile omului în România [Neoprotestant Denominations and Human Rights in Romania] is published in the Annex, after a copy identical to the original. Notes were added to contextualize some of the statements contained in the document and, where possible, to provide biographic information for many of the individuals named therein.

Om Nou sau Duşman în propaganda comunistă: studiu de caz Constantin Mitea

Author(s): Cristina Preutu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 6/2014

One of the most important characteristics of the communist propaganda was the identity function. Thereby, the main techniques used in order to create a discursive framework for defining the New Man were: the autobiography, the activity report and the characterization attached in the personal file. Those techniques contributed to the re-creation of the self, to the individual’s adjustment in order to integrate into the new limits imposed by the political power. The process of creating the New Man was in a strong relationship with the discourse on the construction of the Enemy. This was, in fact, the Manichean vision of the communist ideology about the society. The main purpose of this study is to identify and analyze the construction of this new political identity in the case of Constantin Mitea, one of the nomenclature’s members. Comparing the creation of the political identity with the real activity of Constantin Mitea, the aim of our study is to reveal the manner in which propaganda influenced his political behavior. One of his important positions was that of editor in chief at “Scânteia” newspaper (The Spark). He also held several important positions in the political life during both Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej and Nicolae Ceausescu’s regime. This was the reason why he was supposed to be an example of good practice in the professional and private life. The main sources used for this study are the archives, more precisely the fund of the Central Committee of the RCP, stored by the Romanian National Archives from Bucharest. I also used a number of studies focused on the development of the New Man in the communist propaganda or the role of propaganda in controlling the communist society. Therefore, this study aims to answer several questions such as: what was the importance of the discourse about the New Man in the construction of the new political identity of the group, and that of the individual? According to the definition provided by the communist propaganda, can we consider Constantin Mitea as a New Man or, on the contrary, an Enemy?

Atitudini anticomuniste” la nivel local? Cazul unei scrisori adresate Comitetului Central al PMR, în aprilie 1956

Author(s): Alexandra Toader / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 6/2014

The present paper analyzes the existence of a so-called “anti-communist attitude” manifested at the local level analyzing a particular case, that of Vasiliu Constantin, a Party activist from Constanţa. He contested, in April 1956, two months after N. S. Khrushchev’s “secret” Speech, delivered at the XXth Congress of the CPSU, the manner in which the most prominent members of the Romanian Workers’ Party and, above all, Gheorghiu-Dej, have chosen to understand the phenomenon called “cult of personality”. In other words, Vasiliu Constantin criticized, in a letter addressed to the members of the Central Committee of the RWP the entire Party leadership for the manner in which they defined the leader’s cult. This case becomes as interesting as the documents issued in the epoch highlight the existence of many other attitudes of this kind. Therefore, the questions we aim to answer are: how did the leaders of the Party understand to solve this problem? Which was the reason for which the event incorporated such a great importance? What could have happened if such critiques amplified their number? Our analysis is mainly based on documents from the National Archives of Romania. Moreover, for a better understanding of the topic, we have chosen to transcript the letter sent by Constantin Vasiliu and fragments from the discussions between the petitioner and Nicolae Ceauşescu, Petre Lupu and Ştefan Voicu, about the manner in which the communist leaders of the time understood his attitude towards the cult of personality.

Paradele de 23 august în România lui Nicolae Ceaușescu

Author(s): Constantin Manolache / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 7/2015

This article analyzes the content of parades of 23 August, the National Day of Romania, during Ceaușescu communist time period, the greatest year celebration that marked on the one hand, the general parade, and on the other hand, more importantly the military parade. The assumptions used in this article focuses primarily on the idea that the parades of the 23 August during Ceaușescu’s era represented, firstly, a military component of the communist Romanian regime, secondly, a demonstration of the military power of the communist Romanian regime, and thirdly, an opportunity to enhance the communist propaganda on national and international arena, by presenting the achievements and accomplishments under the leadership of the Romanian Communist Party, which in fact dramatically contrasted with the realities lived in the Romanian society under this communist political system. My personal testimonies about these events try to bring more knowledge on this subject. In addition, the military and political personality of Nicolae Ceaușescu contributed to the discipline of people of the Romanian socialist society, given the fact that Nicolae Ceaușescu had been a political officer with the rank of general in the central structures of the Romanian Army, and afterwards Secretary General of the Romanian Communist Party, President of the Socialist Republic of Romania and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. Through the organization and presentation of the military parade on 23 August during Ceausescu period, they tried to demonstrate that Romania was a communist military power able to defend the independence, sovereignty and integrity of the country. Moreover, the parades of 23 August in Romania of Nicolae Ceaușescu represented the most important opportunity to put an emphasis on the communist propaganda, to point out the historical and political significance of the National Day of the Romanian people, to praise the socialist achievements and accomplishments, and to promote the cult of personality of Nicolae Ceaușescu.

Fusing the Horizons. A Criticism of Archival Sources and Oral and Written Accounts in the Study of the History of the Historiography of Communist Romania

Author(s): Francesco Zavatti / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 7/2015

This article is a contribution to the understanding of the bias and limitations that different kind of sources offer to the researcher in the contemporary history. Specifically, the study addresses how the researcher poses him/herself in front of the problems generated by different kinds of source materials, acknowledging Hans-Georg Gadamer’s Truth and Method, and proposes how to deal with the different kind of narratives proposed by the sources. The specific field of investigation chosen for this study is the history of historiography under communism, and specifically of the History Institute of the Romanian Communism Party, a central party institution for history-writing existing in Romania between 1951 and 1990. The researcher have at his/her disposition different typologies of sources for this study, first of all the archival sources conserved at the National Archives of Romania (the archive of the Institute, the funds of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party, the familial fund of the Institute’s director, Ion Popescu-Puţuri), and the funds present at the National Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives on the Institute’s historians. The article demonstrates, relying on a consolidated tradition of historical methodology, that these sources offer several limitations: they already offer a narrative, they are incomplete, and they have been subject to manipulation. A second resource for the historian are the memoires of the historians of the communist period, working at the Institute or in similar institutions. This second kind of sources, analysed trough the instruments offered by memory studies and post-colonial studies, is considerate as biased for numerous reasons: they were written after 1989, in some cases with an apologetic or justificatory intent; the researcher cannot easily distinguish information from the affection of memory, which is generated by the collective and vernacular memory that has been created after 1989. The authors of these autobiographies have imagined and framed the materials of their memory according to the discourses elaborated by a series of social frameworks (and networks) in which they lived, including the national one, and they contributed with their memories to the forging of a new image of the networks in which they are inserted. A third kind of sources is offered by the methodology of oral history, namely interviews with former historians of the Institute. In this case, the advantage for the researcher to create ad hoc sources for the purposes of the study is counterbalanced by the limitations of these sources, which are the same as for the autobiographies, with the addition of the performative aspect that is contextual within the interview. The article concludes that no source can claim the status of “truth”. Therefore, the distance between different typologies of sources result to be shortened. In conclusion, the researcher have only partially the possibility to obviate the bias offered by the sources with a strong research question. The researcher’s only possibility to establish a new narrative on a topic is to merge the horizon and the research questions and expectations with the narrative presented by the sources, as explained by Gadamer.

România comunistă văzută de la Paris, 1977-1989

Author(s): Mihnea Berindei / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 8/2016

On December 9, 2011 Mihnea Berindei held a conference at the Center for Studies on Communism and Post-communism, in Iași, about the Romanian anti-communist exile in West, particularly in Paris. The author left Romania in 1970 and was involved since 1977 in monitoring the respect of human rights, and in helping those who dared to oppose the communist regime in the native country. Berindei was well informed about what happened in the Romanian democratic circle from Paris, as he had close contacts with Virgil Ierunca, Monica Lovinescu, Marie-France Ionescu, Eugene Ionesco, Dumitru Țepeneag, Maria Brătianu, Sanda Stolojan, Mihai Korne, and Vlad Georgescu, among others. The Romanian exiles and their French supporters founded various organizations, such as The French Committee for Human Rights, converted into The League for Human Rights in Romania, which gave them a certain force, mobilization capacity and credibility in France and abroad. Romanians living in Paris established ties with French intellectual circle, including academics specializing in Romanian Studies (Catherine Durandin, Claude Karnoouh, Gilles Veinstein, Anne Planche, Alain Paruit Herskovits), but also prominent intellectuals (Alain Besançon, Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Alain Touraine, Claude Bonfois, Leonard Finis, Louis Aragon, Roland Barthes, Simone de Bouvoire, Pierre Dex, Jean-Marie Domenach, Pierre Emanuel, Claude Gallimard, Roger Garaudy, Jacques Le Goff, Claude Mauriac, Edgar Morin, Serge Moscovici, Kostas Papaïoannou, Claude Roy, Jean-Paul Sartre, Laurent Schwartz, Philippe Soler, Paul Thibault). Some of these personalities were active in organizations in favor of the exile, others signed letters to respect human rights in Romania. They also established contacts with journalists from different French newspapers („Le Monde”, „Le Figaro”, „Les Temps modernes”, „Le Cotidiene de Paris”, „L'Express” etc.), with posts Western radio (especially Free Europe, and Radio France Internationale, BBC), with organizations in defense of human rights (Amnesty International), with French politicians, with Czechoslovak exiles and dissidents (Antonin Lim, Jerzj Pelikan, Karel Bartosek), Polish (Jacek Jan Kuroń, Adam Michnik, Alexander Smolar, Severin Bernstein, Krzystof Pomian, George Mink, Bronisław Geremek), Hungarians (Peter Kende, István Kemény, Ákos Ditrói, François Fejtő), and Russian (Natalya Gorbanevskaya, Vladimir Bukovski, Viktor Feinberg, Leonid Pliusci). The East-Europeans exiles established journals which reported cases of dissent and anti-communist protest„L’Alternative” (1979-1986), „L’Autre Europe” (1986) and „La Nouvelle Alternative” (1985). The actions of the Romanian exile in Paris played a key role in publicizing cases of dissent in Romania, which was probably the most effective form of protection for those concerned (for example, Paul Goma, Vasile Paraschiv, Mihai Botez, Doina Cornea, Gabriel Andreescu, Dan Petrescu, Dorin Tudoran, Radu Filipescu, Gheorghe Calciu Dumitreasa, Attila Ara-Kovács, Géza Szőcs) helped to raise awareness of cases of collective protest (the Jiu Valley, 1977; Motru, 1981; Braşov, 1987), and the enhancement of the Opération Villages Roumains in 1988-1989. The Role of group of Romanian exiles in Paris was essential in changing the perception of Western public opinion on the nature of the communist regime in Romania.