DER MONAT. 04. Jahrgang 1952 Nummer 47
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Please download the Table of Content which you find below to see en détail what you can find in this issue Thank you.
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Please download the Table of Content which you find below to see en détail what you can find in this issue Thank you.
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Please download the Table of Content to see en détail what you can find in this issue. Thank you.
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Please download the Table of Content to see en détail what you can find in this issue. Thank you.
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Please download the Table of Content to see en détail what you can find in this issue. Thank you.
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Please download the Table of Content to see en détail what you can find in this issue. Thank you.
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The article provides an initial overview of the observation of the Sudeten German Homeland Association (Sudetendeutsche Landsmannschaft – SL) and its functionaries by the Czechoslovak State Security (Státní bezpečnost – StB) until the late 1960s. For this purpose, the collection and evaluation of information about the SL is considered and the goals pursued by the StB are being researched. Furthermore, some informants from the SL are introduced and their motives for working with the StB are given. It was found that the observation was relatively intensive and shows that the StB was well informed about what was happening in the SL in the second half of the 1950s and 1960s. The SL was perceived as a revanchist and hostile organization and the aim of the StB was to weaken it. This particularly applied to the nationalist wing around the Witiko-Bund, which dominated the SL during the period under study. To this end, as an active measure, they disclosed, for example, the Nazi past of leading SL functionaries.
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The Ackermann-Gemeinde was founded in 1946 as a Catholic community by German expellees from Czechoslovakia after the Second World War. In comparison to other Sudeten German organizations, the Ackermann-Gemeinde made very early contacts with specific circles in communist Czechoslovakia. During its ‘Osthilfe’ the Ackermann-Gemeinde sent theological literature, fiction and medicines across the German-Czechoslovak border from the mid-1960s onwards. These activities aroused great interest from the State Security Service (Státní bezpečnost – StB) because the Ackermann-Gemeinde succeeded in establishing close contacts with the Czech Catholic Church, which was viewed as hostile to the Czechoslovak state. With the “Revanche” campaign, the StB used several agents to observe Adolf Kunzmann (1920–1976), the head of the ‘Osthilfe’. Even when the Prague authorities did not stop the cross-border activities of the Ackermann-Gemeinde completely, they fundamentally changed their outlook.
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The observation of the Carpathian Germans by the Czechoslovak secret service has hitherto received little attention. The security files of the Czechoslovak foreign secret service, the counterintelligence and individual agent files, which are kept in the archives of the Nation’s Memory Institute in Bratislava, can serve as a primary source for this research. The resettling of Carpathian Germans from Czechoslovakia after 1945, together with a German minority remaining in Slovakia, represented both a domestic and foreign policy problem for the communist regime. In order to manage this, state security monitoring was used as an effective means of control. Not only were the Carpathian German organizations and their protagonists, as well as their contacts to Slovak political exiles in the FRG, observed, but also Germans in Slovakia. Important instruments included the infiltration of agents, the instrumentalization of individuals’ Nazi past and the creation of internal conflicts. The article also provides initial suggestions for further research.
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This study initially presents the circumstances that largely determined the situation of ethnic Germans in Hungary during the first two decades of communist rule. As the community was permanently torn apart by the post-war expulsions, a survey is made of the opportunities for contacts between the two parts of the community and their representative organizations (the Democratic Association of Hungarian Germans and the Landsmannschaft der Deutschen aus Ungarn [Homeland Association of Germans from Hungary]). The analysis examines how these representatives perceived the situation of the other part of the community. What did they consider to be the main problems and which issues did they address in their discussions? The study then turns to the efforts and institutional means of the authorities to control the activities of these organizations.
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On 18 December 1972, President Nixon decided to launch operation LINEBACKER II, with the purpose of intimidating North Vietnam and guaranteeing the US full support for South Vietnam in this conflict. As the author writes, in the 11 days of devastating air strikes, Hanoi was forced to sign a ceasefire agreement with the USA, while the North Vietnamese were allowed to maintain under control vast territories of South Vietnam. The USA thus obtained enough time to withdraw troops and release war prisoners. The USA promised South Vietnam that it would intervene in the conflict in the event of a failure of the agreement. Because of the Watergate scandal, the Nixon Administration lost the support of Congress and was unable to honour the promise made to South Vietnam.
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In this article I will discuss the first, failed attempts to introduce factory farming in Poland in the 1970s and locate them within historical changes in social meat-related imagi-naries. My main hypothesis is that the spread of wide-scale meat consumption in Poland was a consequence of emula-ting Western, capitalist patterns of food production and its accompanying discourse. I argue that the logic of capitalism that dominated food production in the 1970s dramatically changed interspecies relations and promoted meat as some-thing unlimited, available on a daily basis.
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Over 30 years have passed since the beginning of the Reform Movement; however, women’s initiatives in the Reform Movement of Lithuania have not been analysed. Commemorating the anniversary of the Reform Movement, Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania declared 2018 as the year of the Reform Movement and highlighted the period of 1988-1990 as a period of great importance in the Lithuania history when Seimas of the Reform Movement acted as a partial yet legal democratic representative of the nation in the Soviet occupation system.The article analyses women’s engagement into the initiative groups of the Sąjūdis, their participation in the initiative group and congress. The aim of this article is to shed light on the role of women in the building of the Soviet Union and the specific nature of the activities of the women’s Sąjūdis, the degree of involvement, the problems raised and the solutions proposed. In order to achieve this goal, the archival material contained in the fund of the Lithuanian Perestroika Sąjūdis of the New Archive of the Lithuanian State, the fund of the Kaunas Movement of the Kaunas Regional State Archive, the periodical press of the time were analysed, and the following scientific research was made available.
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The epistolary discourse between Zofia Kossak and Jan Dobraczyński, spanning from 1947–1968, proves the dynamic nature of their relationship. The study focuses on the forms of address and epistolary signatures in their correspondence. In addition to the opening and closing formulas, the forms of address attested in the epistolary corpus under analysis were also analysed. As formal exponents of the bond and of the signalled sender-receiver attitude, forms of address differed. Dobraczyński’s use of forms of address was fixed and conventional, with little variation in his signatures. Conversely, Kossak was more spontaneous in both respects. Her forms of address featured nominalised variants of conventional adjectives like dear and beloved, used singularly or in a syntagmatic series, and complemented by the addressee’s name in the main, diminutive or hypocoristic form. Some cases were colloquial and humorous phrases with the lexeme dad and chap/man. Still other forms included occasional, allusive lexemes, resultant from the subject matter of the letters. Beyond fulfilling the phatic function typical of such correspondence, these forms of address also served denotative and expressive purposes.
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