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The paper aims at presenting the Egypt’s foreign policy from 1979 in terms of stability and change (regarding relations with the United States, Israel, Egypt’s southern neighbours, and the Gulf states, especially Saudi Arabia). The main thesis of this article is the assertion that the foreign policy of Egypt remains stable, despite internal political turbulences and dismissal of Muhammad Husni Mubarak in 2011.
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The article contains the characteristics of the Department of History of Administration and Administrative Ideas of the Jagiellonian University in Kraków from its establishment until 2017. The heads of the Department in this period were the following professors: Ludwik Łysiak, Jerzy Malec and Dorota Malec. Main directions of the research in the history of administration undertaken by the employees of the department as well as the results of these studies shown in published monographs and articles were described in the article. Their actions in organizing activities at the level of the university, faculty and participation in groups of editorial scientific journals are also indicated. The scientific degrees obtained by the employees of the department are presented. Th e classes included in the educational offer of the department were also discussed.
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At the moment of their establishment (1939) and development (1945–1946), the social insurance courts had no sufficient substantiation in the then binding constitutional acts, as its nature, position within the legislation, and organization were incongruent with the provisions of the March and April constitutions. It was so as no space was provided for this special division of administrative judiciary while drawing either of these acts, and the arguments to the contrary formulated at the time are not convincing. Many of the claims about the full coherence of the Act with the constitutions quoted above remain unjustified, which suggests that the authors of the Act were aware of its weakness, both in this scope, and in the scope of the nonexistence of procedures capable of disclosing such weaknesses in the context of the political will to pass the Act (before the second world war) and to establish insurance courts (directly after the second world war). Although it is a paradox, the administrative social insurance courts operating on the power of the pre-war legislation received full constitutional support only in the People’s Republic of Poland, in the stipulations of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of Poland of 1952 and the Act of 15th February 1962 on the Supreme Court enacting its assumptions, among others, through a signifi cant novella of the Act of 28 July 1939 Law on the administrative social insurance courts.
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The paper outlines the history of terrorism in imperial Russia at the turn of the 19th to 20th century as well as in the USSR. The author reviews Vladimir Lenin’s political ideas regarding terrorism and the validity of the Bolsheviks using terror. Then, the author presents the origin of terrorism and some of the arguably most important terrorist acts committed during the times of imperial Russia and the USSR up until 1991. The information presented in the paper shows that terrorism was valued as an instrument of political fi ght in the past and it has been elevated to the rank of art of war and developed on a mass scale. Its political infl uence is much stronger now than was the case of terrorists in the late 19th and early 20th century as a result of the omnipresent mass media spreading information.
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In 2012, the Federal Ministry of Justice in Germany set up an Independent Commission to investigate the Ministry’s handling of the Nazi past in the early years of the West Germany. The findings of the investigation were presented 2016 in a book under the title „Rosenburg files” and later in exhibitions both in German and English language. The findings are shocking. More than half of all senior staff of the Federal Ministry of Justice had been former Nazi collaborators and one in five had been a member of the SA. This personnel continuity had very important consequences also for Poland and its citizens for example: discrimination against former victims, Nazi criminals were barely prosecuted. The personnel-based and approach-based continuities had serious consequences for a process of building a democratic state based on rule of law. All these aspects have been shortly analyzed in the article.
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Purpose – This paper investigated the effects of International Capital Flows (ICF) on Turkish banking sectors profitability from 1975 to 2016. The study is motivated (1) by the fact that ICFs can be growth engines and/or a source of instability (according to their volatility, the way of used or the environment); (2) by the scarcity of studies related to their effects on banking sector due to the concentration of previous studies on economic growth. Design/methodology/approach – ICFs are examined in this study with a close interest to their five subcomponents and their effects on different types of Turkish banks. Two differents modèles (linear and non-linear) were used with Panel GMM based on 1974 observations. Variables used were: Return On Equity and Return On Asset of the banking sector as dependent variables; Foreign Direct Investments, Foreign Portfolios Investments, External Debts Flows, External Aids and Remittances as independent variables; GDP growth rate, inflation rate, interest rate, and trade openness as control variables for robustness check. Findings – The main findings were as follows: Foreign Direct Investments, External Aids and Remittance had positive effects on banking profitability (ROE) in Turkey; while Foreign Portfolio Investments and External long Term Debts had negative effects. In addition, only Foreign Direct Investments had positive effects on banking profitability (ROA). Other capital flows’effects remained insignificant.
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The article aims to present the concept of research on the trials of the members of the SS garrison of the former German Nazi concentration and extermination camp Auschwitz-Birkenau before common courts in Poland in the years 1946–1955. It presents selected issues related to the analyzed subject, along with an exemplary literature, and shows incomplete statistical data. Information about 8502 SS men can be found in the database The SS KL Auschwitz Garrison available on the Internet. On the basis of the collected materials, it can be concluded that in the period, the number of people for whom any documents of the judiciary have survived is 722. On the other hand, the number of SS men from the KL Auschwitz garrison, against whom court proceedings ended with a verdict in Poland, is 695. The next step towards characterizing the trials of SS-men from the KL Auschwitz garrison pending before Polish courts should be a complete description of the state of research and literature on the subject.
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The proclamation of the Republic of Turkey in 1923 initiated the process of building the specific position of the Turkish military in the political system of the state. For decades, the military did not perform a subservient function to the state, as implied by the democratic model of civilian control over the military, but conversely exercised guardianship over the political class. As a result, the generals in Turkey’s modern history have staged four successful military coups, each followed by taking control of the state administration and establishing military regimes. Extremely significant from a historical and political perspective was the military putsch carried out in 1980, the consequences of which are still visible today. The depiction and analysis of this event is the main purpose of the article, and although the time frame could be narrowed to the years 1973–1983, the author also refers to a broader historical perspective to demonstrate the causes and consequences of the events described.
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Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie polityki narkotykowej w Polsce w okresie przed i po transformacji ustrojowej. W opracowaniu omówiono okres od zakończenia drugiej wojny światowej do czasów współczesnych, kładąc nacisk na kształtowanie przez państwo polskie poszczególnych obszarów polityki narkotykowej. Przedstawione zostały dwa główne modele, które widoczne były z różną intensywnością w poszczególnych okresach. Pierwszy z nich, model represywny czy inaczej prohibicyjny, który opiera się głównie na przewadze represji karnej wobec innych rozwiązań. Drugi, permisywny, który skupia się na zasadzie „leczyć zamiast karać” i stanowi pewnego rodzaju odejście od restrykcyjnego modelu przeciwdziałania narkomanii. Artykuł kończy się podsumowaniem, w którym wskazane zostały przykłady rozwiązań permisywnych stosowanych w niektórych krajach oraz podkreślenie konieczności znalezienia równowagi pomiędzy karaniem a leczeniem, aby skutecznie reagować na problemy generowane przez narkotyki w Polsce.
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Historians estimate that in Poland, between 1944 and 1956, more than a million people went through Stalinist prisons and camps, including around 100,000 sentenced by special military courts for the so-called anti-state activities. These courts passed at least 5650 death sentences, with as many as 2810 carried out. In this case, the Military District Courts (Polish: Wojskowe Sądy Rejonowe, WSR), established in 1946 and operating until their dissolution in 1955, were particularly repressive. Their task was mainly to judge civilians accused by the security apparatus of carrying out the anti-communist activity. Previously scattered materials, preserved after the operations of the military courts, were collected and merged in the archives of the Institute of National Remembrance (Poland), created in 2000. The case files of persons sentenced to punishment also include documents that have the character of self-testimonies. These are interrogation protocols, minutes of the main hearing, and requests for pardon. Materials of this kind, analysed from the perspective of their ego-documental value, can better explain the motives for the anti- -state actions and help to determine the state of consciousness of the convicted person in the last days of his or her life.
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The article is dedicated to the unique story of Kibbutz Lohamei Hagetaot, a communal community of Holocaust survivors. Their aim was to rebuild their life together side by side with a strong obligation to commemorate the near past. They established the Ghetto Fighters’ House, the first museum in the world for the heritage of the Holocaust and Jewish Resistance. The main thesis of the article arguing that it is impossible to understand and accurately assess the circumstances in which those Kibbutz and museum established without taking into consideration the centrality of the close personal relationship between Yitzhak Tabenkin, leader of the Hakibbutz Hameuchad movement with which the kibbutz was affiliated and a group of the kibbutz members, mainly Zivia Lubetkin and Yitzhak (Antek) Zuckerman, a married couple, who had been among the leaders of the Jewish Fighting Organization in the Warsaw Ghetto (Żydowska Organizacja Bojowa, or ŻOB). Those two were symbols of the movement’s heroic past. This relationship was beneficial for the kibbutz but periodically sparked internal discord between its members, revolving primarily around the continued financial commitment to maintaining the museum and to holding its annual memorial ceremony. In addition, the Hakibbutz Hameuchad movement adopted the Ghetto Uprising as a central ethos of its political and educational being. This ethos was not limited to a demand for the public recognition of formative rights from the past; it also served as a source of power in the present. One of the major banners waved by the movement was the complete repudiation of relations with West Germany. Furthermore, the activity of the Ghetto Fighters’ House served as an arena for a series of struggles against other initiatives to commemorate the memory of the Holocaust and the Uprising, first with Hashomer Hatzair movement and later with Yad Vashem. The intensity of these struggles stemmed directly from the Israeli political present. In summary, the first decade of Kibbutz Lohamei Hagetaot could be characterized as a constant arena of struggle, both with internal and external levels. The kibbutz’s economic hardship during the years in question, on the one hand, and the commitment to the movement commemoration agenda, on the other hand, also affected the social situation of the Kibbutz. As a result of the thawing relations with West Germany, Hakibbutz Hameuchad proceeded under a banner of complete repudiation and a group of members of the Kibbutz positioned themselves at the forefront of the struggle: initially because they had answered the call of the movement, and later as a pressure group and a voice of conscience on the issue. The major reason for the change was the fact that although the struggle helped bolster the movement’s glorious past, it weakened its political present. In other words, commemoration became a success story: The museum, and the widely attended memorial ceremonies, despite the tensions with Hashomer Hatzair and Yad Vashem. Whereas electoral failure weakened the influence of Ahdut Ha’avoda (The political party of Hakibbutz Hameuchad) and pushed it onto the sidelines of changing Israeli society.
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Icek Lerner of Komarówka Podlaska wanted to bring about the conviction of the perpetrators of the murder of six members of his immediate family in the village of Przegaliny near Komarówka, and his partner Estera Rybak (and formerly her daughter) in Warsaw. He identified the murderers and demonstrated the course of events. His efforts proved fruitless. Years later, the case was taken up by his son, Rony Lerner, also to no avail. The article, a case study of survivor Icek Lerner’s attempt to seek justice also addresses, using his later descriptions of his experiences during the Holocaust as an example, the question of the reliability of testimonies given many years after the fact.
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As a result of the developing idea of social equality and the ideas of integration between different layers of the society and the studies which were carried out in this direction, Turkish women also showed themselves in every field with the proclamation of the Republic on October 29, 1923. Because of this, the mark of Turkish women began to be seen in a wide area from science to art, from economy to industry, from education to cultural activities, from sports to agriculture. Journals reflecting the period that they were brought out published with the idea of women after the Republic and enabled the events to be seen through the eyes of women. The subject of our article is the journals published by the women of the Republic after 29 October 1923. Adımlar, Fikirler, Yeni Yayınlar, Tarla, Şiir Sanatı and Türk Çocukları are the magazines that will be discussed in this study, which will be contacted between 1923 and 1980. In these journals, which have been published about different fields, it will be tried to determine that women have a good command of many subjects. The fact that the publications discussed include different views and comprise various genres will be taken into consideration, in this way, it will be tried to explain that as a result of the achievements of the Republic, women can publish magazines on every subject and view.
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This paper provides an analysis of the Armenian diaspora communities in Hungary, examining their struggles for diasporic authority and the distribution of diasporic capital. Using Bourdieu’s social field theory as a framework, the paper emphasises the significance of Stuart Hall’s concept of diaspora as a cultural identity that is consistently shaped by narrative. The methodology used includes 33 in-depth interviews conducted between 2015 and 2016 with individuals of Armenian descent based in Hungary. The paper presents three empirical investigations that provide insights into the positions and relationships within the Armenian diasporic field in Hungary. The first investigation focuses on Transylvanian Armenians and their diasporic self-image, the second explores the perspectives of late- and post-Soviet Armenians, and the third examines the positioning of Armenians from the Middle East who settled in Hungary. The analysis reveals the power dynamics and struggles for diasporic authority, highlighting the complexities of diasporic identity constructions.
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The end of the 1960s and the 1970s were the years when the social, political and administrative events experienced for the whole world were criticized in the name of democracy. These years were also a period in which the American public administration was not qualified to respond to the conditions of the period, social welfare was not distributed fairly, the ongoing poverty, violence, racism, and gender-based inequality in the society were discussed, and the decreasing trust in institutions and its traditionality were questioned. One of the important names of this period of interrogation is Vincent Ostrom. While Ostrom included his criticisms of traditional public administration in his work titled "Intellectual Crisis in American Public Administration" published in 1973, he advocates polycentrism against a single-centered hierarchical administration. Ostrom's idea of polycentricity and his search for democratic governance is the subject of this study. The study accepts that Ostrom's concept of polycentricity and democratic administration thought are compatible with the governance model and form the basis for the governance process. In addition, the study aims to clarify the relatively little discussed "Vincent Ostrom framework" in the Turkish literature.
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