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The Impact of Innovation, Foreign Direct Investments, Trade Openness, Economic Growth on Carbon Emissions in Türkiye

Author(s): Ahmet Kadiroğlu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The main purpose of this study is to examine the current energy economics literature in Türkiye by considering the role of innovations, foreign direct investments, economic growth and trade openness in the function of carbon emissions. In the study using 1994–2020 data, vector error correction model (VECM) and ARDL bounds test methods were used to examine the effects of innovation, trade openness, foreign direct investment, per capita GDP on CO2 emissions. Accordingly, it was concluded that trade openness and GDP per capita are among the variables affecting CO2 emissions in Türkiye. GDP per capita and trade openness affect carbon emissions positively in Türkiye. On the other hand, the relationship between FDI, innovation coefficient and CO2 emission coefficient is not significant at the 5% level. The sign of the coefficient of the predicted foreign direct investment and innovation variable is positive. In line with the findings, it primarily targets the energy consumption model, since economic growth is the primary driving force of the country's economy. Policy makers should turn to practices that encourage the use of renewable energy sources rather than the use of fossil fuels. While transitioning to renewable energy sources, R&D units in the country can be used for the development of renewable energy solutions.

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Yapısal Kırılmalı Durağanlık Testi ve Granger Nedensellik Analizi: Türkiye’de Kadın İntihar Oranının Ekonomik Değişkenler ile İlişkisi

Author(s): Hayriye Esra Akyüz / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

In this study, it was aimed to examine the causality relationship between female suicide rate, fertility rate, female unemployment rate, inflation and gross domestic product between 2000-2022 in Turkey. In the examination of stationarity, Augmented Dickey and Fuller (ADF), Phillips-Perron (PP), Kwiatkowsky-Philips-Schmidt-Shin (KPSS) and Dickey-Fuller generalized least squares, Zivot and Andrews one structural break test were used and Granger causality test was conducted to investigate the causality relationship. According to the results of ADF, PP and KPSS unit root tests, it was determined that all series were stationary at the first difference. A bi-directional causality relationship was found between female suicide rate and fertility rate, and unidirectional causality relationship was found from female unemployment rate to female suicide rate and fertility rate. On the other hand; it has been determined that female suicide rate, female unemployment rate and GDP per capita are the causes of inflation and there is a unidirectional causality relationship from these variables to inflation. According to Granger causality test results, there is no Granger causality relationship between female suicide rate and GDP per capita.

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BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA NA PUTU KA NEZAVISNOSTI: PRAVNI IZAZOVI I ISKUŠENJA (1991‒1992)

Author(s): Sead Bandžović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ever since Tito’s death in 1980, the socialist Yugoslavia was going through difficult political, economic, and social temptations, involving ample domestic and international actors, along with the accompanying consequences of the era change of on a global level. The Yugoslav state crisis should be observed in a broader context which will provide a more complete answer. The remaining two fundamental pillars of the Yugoslav federation – Yugoslav Communist Party (SKJ) and Yugoslav National Army (JNA) ‒ were undermined in early 90’. The then republics’ elites, guided by partial interests, mutually confronted to one another, were not ready to adequately face the challenges of democratization that captured the Eastern euripi following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The Yugoslav republics took numerous legal steps towards strengthening their own sovereignty. The crisis culminated in 1991 with the separation of Slovenia and Croatia from Yugoslavia, and the armed conflicts that followed. Confronted with the new legal and political surrounding, Bosnia and Herzegovina also began with the revival of its independence. This path proved to be extremely difficult and challenging, mainly due to the revived great-Serbian and great-Croatian attempts to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly expressed in 1991 during the negotiations between Slobodan Milošević, president of Serbia, and Franjo Tuđman, president of Croatia. In early days, these plans, with a strong support of regime affiliated media from Belgrade and Zagreb, manifested in form of numerous obstructions in the operation of the highest authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, promotion of a thesis that Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot survive as an independent political entity, establishment of illegal Serb communities of municipalities and regions, and then Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croat ones in form of regional communities, whereby the most significant one was Herzeg Bosnia. In such complex circumstances, and in line with the recommendations of the Badinter’s Commission, referendum on independence was organized in 1992, when the citizens firmly voted in favor of independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. European Community recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina on 6th of April, while the USA did it on the following day. In conditions of aggression and four year long war destruction, a new chapter in legal and state development of Bosnia and Herzegovina began.

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ULOGA MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE U KONTEKSTU AGRESIJE NA REPUBLIKU BOSNU I HERCEGOVINU

Author(s): Alija Kožljak / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

International community has, on its own will, taken the responsibility to resolve the situation in the then Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, following its dissolution. This has particularly applied to the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was threatened by an open aggression, even disappearance. To that end, ample peace plans were designed, and to a large extent based on ethnic divisions, which suggested intentions of the international community in relation to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Lack of a good will and unity aimed at prevention of aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the prevention of mass crimes against its citizens, including the crime of genocide, as well as failure to prevent the destruction of state owned infrastructure, silent approval of the several years long siege of the capital, clearly speaks about the attitude on the part of international actors towards the aggressors and innocent victims, particularly the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Lack of condemnation of the aggression, and permanent attempts to equalize the victims and aggressors serve as a direct confirmation that the initial attitude towards Bosnia and Herzegovina did not significantly change, although the circumstances to a large extent did. Current development of the situation on a global plan affects the changes in the perception of threat, including the relevance of the Western Balkans, and more specifically Bosnia and Herzegovina, which now suggests the new discourse of the West (EU and NATO Member States) in relation to Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper is structured in five chapters: Dissolution of SFRY and international recognition of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Quest for a peace solution in Bosnia and Herzegovina; Intensification of the international community engagement; Final NATO operation and peace establishment; Post-war reaction of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Final considerations. The study is based on the qualitative analysis of documents and critical analysis of activities and actions of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1991-2022.

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ISTRAGE, OPTUŽNICE I PRESUDE U PREDMETIMA RATNIH ZLOČINA U PROCESU USPOSTAVE POVJERENJA I POMIRENJA NARODA I DRŽAVA ZAPADNOG BALKANA

Author(s): Ismet Alija / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The political goal of the total demographic extermination of the Bosniac Muslim people in Bosnia and Herzegovina is evidenced by the criminal practice on the part of the aggressor, which tried to systematically persecute said people from the territory in which they always lived. Such a goal could not be achieved in another way, but by criminal methods of waging warfare. In order to cover up the aggressive nature of the military force use against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, presenting it as a civil war within an internationally recognized country, the Belgrade regime established a so-called Republika Srpska para-state and constituted an army of the said para-state, which made an integral part of the Army of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). The unjust and criminal political and military goals determined and directed the war of aggression primarily against the non-Serb civilian population, and only than against the other armed forces, given that most of the killed victims were civilians. The unjust policy based on the great-Serbian ideology against Bosnia and Herzegovina continued even after the signing of the General Frame-work Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (hereinafter the Dayton Agreement), and continued up to the present day. This is just another proof that Serbia has not yet sincerely and in good faith recognized territorial integrity and the sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina, indicating that all anomalies and blockades in the implementation of the Dayton Agreement are a signal that Serbia, as of this day, does not consider its internationally recognized borders as being final. Such policy of the Belgrade regime is most concretely and indeed most destructively manifested in their attempts to cover up war crimes and glorify war criminals, aspiring to shifting the blame for starting the war and its consequences onto victims, and in that regard to equalize responsibility of the aggressor and Bosnia and Herzegovina defenders, ultimately to change the character of war. It is precisely the reason why the judiciary in the states that acted as aggressors against Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1991-1995 was burdened with anomalies resulting in blockades, even the setbacks in the commitments from the Dayton Agreement. This is the reason why trust cannot be built and reconciliation cannot be achieved on such foundations between the peoples and states of the Western Balkans. In that context, various concrete cases of unjust and illegal protection of war criminals should be analyzed, as well as numerous indictments fabricated by the Serbian regime and the Bosnia and Herzegovina entity of Republika Srpska should be considered. Obvious example of such practice is the indictment, including its confirmation, related to the events in Sarajevo’s Dobrovoljačka Street on May 3, 1992.

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POLITIČKI I VOJNI ASPEKTI ODBRANE SARAJEVA

Author(s): Nedžad Ajnadžić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

The defence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, including the defence of Sarajevo, was based on political and patriotic awareness of its citizens, who were genuinely committed to preservation of Bosnia and Herzegovina specific political and statehood being, as a community of equal citizens and peoples. Based on assessment of a big relevance of Sarajevo for the survival of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the aggressor has thoroughly planned, prepared, and utilised large military forces to conquer the city and establish there its occupational authority. They wanted Sarajevo to be only a Serb capital of the so-called “Republic of Serb Bosnia and Herzegovina”. The combat activities carried out by the 1st Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina were organised in a very complex strategic, operational, and tactical conditions, under the conditions of besieged free territories in which the units and the commands of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina operated, including the conditions of specific military siege of a major part of the 1st Corps in the city of Sarajevo. Strategic and operational-tactical positions of the aggressor’s forces were rather favourable for them, given that they controlled main roads that were connecting Bosnia and Herzegovina battlefield with the sources of mobilization into the aggressor’s army with soldiers and material means in the so called Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), and the countries that supported aggressor. The extent of human losses, during and after every war, turned into a big political, historic, and moral and ethical issue. Pursuant to the character of response of the warring parties and their allies to the question of the extent of human losses, it is possible to identify the character of policy that served as a basis for war engagement and support to any of the warring parties. In general, the factors on the side of the warring party that waged the righteous war strive to present truthfully the number of victims, whereas the factors on the side of the warring party that waged unfair war strive to fake the number of victims and adapt it to the character of its unfair political views related to the causes and consequences of the war. Given the fact that the international community with its embargo harmed the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina defence forces, which operated on the grounds of fair policy and righteous war, we arrive at a conclusion that the embargo was unfair, in favour of unfair aggressor’s policy, criminal and genocidal war practice.

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MEĐUNARODNA NAUČNA KONFERENCIJA „POSLJEDICE GENOCIDA NAD BOŠNJACIMA U SREBRENICI: SOCIJALNI, EKONOMSKI, POLITIČKI, DEMOGRAFSKI I KULTURNI RAZVOJ SREBRENICE (1995‒2022)” SREBRENICA ‒ POTOČARI, 12. OKTOBAR 2023.

Author(s): Rifat Škrijelj,Dženeta Omerdić,Denis Zvizdić,Pavle Krstić,Husein Kavazović,Mirko Pejanović,Ćamil Duraković,Rasim Muratović,Sedad Bešlija / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Introductory remarks by: - Prof. Ph.D. Rifat Škrijelj, rector of the University of Sarajevo - Prof. Ph.D. Dženeta Omerdić, Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Office of Dr. Denis Bećirević) - Prof. Ph.D. Denis Zvizdić, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Ph.D. Pavle Krstić, Minister (Ministry of Higher Education, Science and Youth of Sarajevo Canton) - Ph.D. Husein-ef. Kavazovića, reisul-ulema (Islamic community in Bosnia and Herzegovina) - Academician, prof. Ph.D. Mirko Pejanović (President of the Scientific Committee of the Conference of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina) - Ćamil Duraković (Vice President of the RS entity) - Prof. Ph.D. Rasim Muratović, Director of the Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law, University of Sarajevo - Ph.D. Sc. Sedad Bešlija, director of the Institute of History

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ZAKLJUČCI DRUGE MEĐUNARODNE NAUČNE KONFERENCIJE POSLJEDICE GENOCIDA NAD BOŠNJACIMA U SREBRENICI: SOCIJALNI, EKONOMSKI, POLITIČKI, DEMOGRAFSKI I KULTURNI RAZVOJ SREBRENICE (1995‒2022)

Author(s): Mirko Pejanović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Moralno-pravna i politička obaveza svijeta i Evropske unije i Bosne i Hercegovine jeste ne samo spriječiti buduće, civilizacijski katastrofične zločine poput genocida nad Bošnjacima u Srebrenici i oko nje nego, i prije svega, spriječiti njegovo planski aktivno i politički, medijski, kvazinaučno, sistematsko poricanje i negiranje. Tome svjedočimo danas i svih poratnih godina u Bosni i Hercegovini i njenom susjedstvu. Umjesto odgovornosti za nesprečavanje genocida, u Srbiji se i dalje veličaju ratni zločinci koji su doveli do izvršenja genocida. Upornim i neskrivenim javnim veličanjem zločina i međunarodno presuđenih ratnih zločinaca, praveći od njih nacionalne heroje s jedne, i stigmatiziranjem kritičkoga govora i priznavanja genocida od strane grupacija ili pojedinaca u njihovom javnom angažmanu na tu temu, s druge strane, ohrabruju se politike i zagovornici opetovanja genocidnog zla i njegovo javno, nekažnjeno, stadionsko i medijsko veličanje, poput transparenata tokom utakmica na kojima se zanavlja napis: Nož, žica, Srebrenica.

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RECEPCIJA FELDMARŠALA SVETOZARA BOROJEVIĆA U USPOREDBI HRVATSKE, JUŽNOSLAVENSKE I EUROPSKE BIOGRAFSKE LEKSIKOGRAFIJE

Author(s): Josip PRGOMET,Marino Manin / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Setting forth from the assumption that encyclopaedia-production in any country reflects the time in which it emerges, the objective of this work is to explore any possible divergences in the treatment of the life and deeds of Borojević among the encyclopaedia entries of various nations. Stated differently, the objective of this research is to ascertain whether there were encyclopaedia entries that were influenced by or were in correlation with the origin of the national encyclopaedic source, with the specific encyclopaedia-production of a given nation. In this context, emphasis will be placed on an inter-lexicographic biographical comparison of national biographical lexicographic entries and an examination of any differences in interpretation in the approach to the material, which may have been caused by the heterogeneity of national lexicographic sources and approaches. The basic hypothesis lies in examining the assumption that the framework of national lexicography focuses on a specific vision, and the objective of this work is to detect these views as encapsulated in biographical lexicographic entries as research units during the period from the 1920s to the present. In methodological terms, the work presents an attempt to ascertain the approach and analysis in articles about Borojević and, in this sense, the focus is on a more factual description of encyclopaedia entries than an analytical and critical approach to their sources, without moving beyond the factual generalizations contained in the encyclopaedic entries. The overview of encyclopaedia entries is based on the assumption that encyclopaedia entries reflect the spirit of the time, and that the idea that lexicographical entries personify the spirit of the time within all limits of national/state or ideological provenance must be either confirmed or refuted.

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Diskurs sjećanja u sjeni prošlosti 20. stoljeća

Author(s): Nada Kisić Kolanović / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

Author analyzes discursive praxis in confronting the past and reasons why such approach is considered as a stabilizing concept within historiography. The example of holocaust and its implementation within national and transnational memory of the entire humankind shows how history and memory coexist. Namely, a historiography is inspired by a new model of ethical awareness that imposes revealing of a negative memory in order to avoid repetition and manipulation of the remembrance, especially regarding possible retroactive justification of historical crimes. Generally speaking, such a concept of confronting the past opens question about “negative memories”, and maintains idea that not speaking about historical evil enables its possible return in the future. From the perspective of historical memory one can say that historiography today emphasizes its ethical orientation. Historians today do not have a monopoly on interpreting the past, and this fact enables dialogue between historiography and other scholarly disciplines. Namely, during the last twenty years many sociologists, anthropologists, psychologists, literary scholars and philosophers contributed a lot in the investigation of contradictions and anomalies that accompany transformation of a living communicated remembrance to the commemorative and institutionalized memory. The question of transformation of individual remembrance to collective memory is rather well investigated in the relation to the meaning and significance of social obligation towards a social group, especially regarding question of merging or debarring of certain memories. Author also points out some examples of making the memories in Croatia during the transition period in 1990s’. Moreover, question of rememorizing the World War Two (1941-1945) is discussed in comparison to the rising of social importance of the remembrance of the Homeland War (1991- 1995), especially in the relation to the decisions of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. The fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 and collapse of communism in the Central and South-Eastern Europe provoked numerous nationalistic re-interpretations in the small local historiographies. Consequently, some of the Croatian historians during 1990s’ treated their nation as a victim, and confronting the past was rather strongly present in the investigation of victims of communism 1945- 1990, which was necessary at that time because of the need to create a social balance. Nowadays some recent studies show that Croatian historians are more open towards new theoretical approaches within the research field of culture of remembrance. Finally, there is an open question of memorial function of the Homeland War 1991-1995. Namely, many analysts think that international justice has failed in the case of processing crimes during the Yugoslav war. If the International Court of Justice took more clear and undisputable position regarding crime against peace that was committed by Milošević’s Serbia during the aggression to Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, we could do much more effective work regarding negation of mass crimes and recurrence of genocide in Europe.

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Spolková republika Německo v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Vladimír Handl / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Při pohledu na českou politiku vůči Německu v roce 2008 je zjevné, že převládala kontinuita jak v pojetí vztahů, tak v charakteru aktivit české vlády. Trval tedy mimo jiné i problém rozdělení na: ● depolitizované/de-ideologizované agendy (převládá dobrá pragmatická spolupráce, pozitivně působí prohlubující se ekonomické vazby); ● oblasti, kde důležitou roli hrají politické a ideologické rozdíly; v těchto otázkách je často obtížné, ne-li nemožné dospět na české straně k jednotné politické linii v rámci koaliční vlády, ve vztahu vláda–prezident, vláda–opozice, politika–veřejnost.

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Francie v české zahraniční politice: Nadějné vyhlídky?

Author(s): Eliška Tomalová / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Vztahy s Francií nepředstavují z dlouhodobého hlediska hlavní osu bilaterálních vztahů České republiky. Od poloviny 90. let dvacátého století byly vzájemné vztahy na politické rovině spíše vlažné, ačkoli ekonomické vztahy zažívaly vzestup. Zvolení prezidenta Nicolase Sarkozyho a předsednictví Rady EU, které Francie vykonávala v druhé polovině roku 2008 a Česká republika v prvním pololetí 2009, znamenaly jisté přiblížení, přičemž úsilí o navázání intenzivnějších kontaktů je patrné zejména na francouzské straně. Obecně lze tedy říci, že nástup nového francouzského prezidenta znamenal nový impulz pro francouzsko-české vztahy a kontext po sobě jdoucích předsednictví Rady EU napomohl posílení vzájemného dialogu na bilaterální úrovni. Uzavření strategického partnerství mezi oběma zeměmi v červnu 2008 pak představuje konkrétní plán vzájemné spolupráce. Z pohledu Francie jsou vztahy s Českou republikou součástí snah o posílení vazeb se státy střední a východní Evropy.

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Rusko v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Petra Kuchyňková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Ruská zahraniční a vnitřní politika, stejně jako česko-ruské vztahy se v průběhu roku 2008 objevovaly v centru zájmu jak z politického (a mediálního), tak také z diplomatického hlediska poněkud častěji než v letech předchozích. Důvodem jsou zejména klíčové problematické body česko-ruských vztahů, mezi nimiž lze v průběhu roku 2008 identifi kovat především otázku budování systému protiraketové obrany a červencového podpisu česko-americké smlouvy SOFA o umístění radarové základny na českém území. Větší frekvenci stanovisek a tiskových prohlášení Ministerstva zahraničních věcí ČR a vlády v souvislosti s ruskou dimenzí ČZP je potom třeba dávat do souvislosti také s prezidentskými volbami, které se uskutečnily 2. 3. 2008. Stranou zájmu české diplomacie a médií nezůstalo ani dění v separatistických oblastech Gruzie a komentář ruského ozbrojeného zásahu v Jižní Osetii. Zajímavou skutečností také je, do jaké míry téma budoucnosti vztahů s Ruskem vykázalo (sice nikoli bezprostředně, ale zprostředkovaně skrze problém protiraketové obrany) potenciál stát se jedním ze zahraničněpolitických témat ovlivňujících také vnitropolitickou debatu a spor vláda versus opozice, i když zde (vzhledem k povaze této debaty) existovalo nezřídka nebezpečí, že se stane spíše jejím rukojmím.

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Státy východní dimenze Evropské politiky sousedství v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Elsa Tulmets / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Rok 2008 nenaznačil, že by došlo ke změně nebo úpravě postavení států východní dimenze ENP v oficiálních vládních dokumentech, které mají tendenci spojovat země „východní Evropy“ s otázkou rozšíření EU. Takový je i koncept zahraniční politiky z let 2003–2006, který navíc nevykazuje přílišný zájem o východní prostor. Přesto však české předsednictví Visegrádské skupiny (V4) v první polovině roku 2008, příprava na předsednictví Evropské unie (EU) a především válka, která vypukla mezi Gruzií a Ruskem v srpnu 2008, částečně mobilizovaly politickou i širší veřejnou diskusi ohledně zahraniční politiky vůči státům východní dimenze ENP, stejně jako zvýšily zájem tvůrců ČZP o země ležící mezi EU a Ruskem.

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Blízký východ, Středomoří a Afghánistán v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Jaroslav Bureš / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

V české diplomacii ve vztahu k Blízkému východu a Středomoří převažoval reaktivní přístup vyvolaný mezinárodním vývojem či bezprostředním vnějším tlakem. Tato situace může být dána mimo jiné do souvislosti se skutečností, že koaliční vláda Mirka Topolánka neměla zformulovanou koncepci zahraniční politiky. Ve vztahu ke sledovanému regionu byl preferován jednotný postup v rámci společné zahraniční a bezpečnostní politiky EU, který měl být koordinován s USA, především v rámci NATO. Rozpory mezi transatlantickými spojenci, které existovaly během války proti Iráku, byly nežádoucí. Převažoval názor, že USA mají schopnost likvidovat hrozby v globálním měřítku, ohrožující evropskou bezpečnost, což vyžaduje českou politickou i jinou podporu.

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Dálný východ v české zahraniční politice

Author(s): Rudolf Fürst / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Dálný východ (DV), ke kterému je v této studii pro svůj rostoucí význam přiřazen také Vietnam, představuje kontinuálně oblast bez specifi ckých politických zájmů ČR a jeho relevance spočívá jednoznačně v ekonomické sféře. Ve vládních dokumentech – tj. v Koncepci zahraniční politiky České republiky na léta 2003–2006 a v Programovém prohlášení vlády není DV zmiňován jako specifi cké téma, které by přesahovalo společný rámec rozvojových zemí (Asie, Latinská Amerika, Afrika) a Austrálie. V obou případech je téma DV obsaženo jen velmi obecně a ještě s důrazem na multilaterální rovinu v případě sdružení ASEM (Asia -Europe Meeting), téma vlastní bilaterální agendy se zeměmi DV mimo rámec ASEM a EU není zmíněno.

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Subsaharská Afrika v české zahraniční politice: Nová koncepce, obnovení odboru a výzvy předsednictví EU

Author(s): Ondřej Horký / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

I v roce 2008 zůstal region subsaharské Afriky na okraji politického a hospodářského zájmu České republiky. Ministerstvo zahraničních věcí nevnímá region jako prioritu, ale jako nezbytnou agendu ČZP. Zejména v reakci na připravované české předsednictví Evropské unie v prvním pololetí roku 2009, ale také na možnost přehodnocení vztahů se vzdálenějšími teritorii po začlenění České republiky do evropských a transatlantických struktur, však pozornost k subsaharské Africe posílila jak na institucionální, tak i na koncepční úrovni. To z ní mezi ostatními regiony tvoří výjimku.

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Multilaterální rozměr české zahraniční politiky

Author(s): Veronika Bílková / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

Aktivity České republiky v OSN, Radě Evropy a OBSE zůstaly v roce 2008 dále ve stínu angažovanosti v EU, NATO a mezinárodních ekonomických institucích. Přesto se i na těchto fórech pokoušela ČR prosazovat své zájmy a postoje a dosáhla některých úspěchů.

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The Latin American Dimension of the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Ondřej Slačálek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

From the point of view of the Czech Foreign Policy (CFP), Latin America is considered as a region of rather marginal importance. Although there is a certain consensus on Latin America’s political signiﬁcance and the opportunity for export, since 1989 the region has not been a priority of the Czech Republic’s foreign policy relations. This view of the Czech diplomacy is connected with the absence of conceptual documents. In fact, only few issues have seriously provoked political discords: namely Cuba and Venezuela (the latter mainly in the last few years). Both countries have been targets of criticism by inﬂuential Czech human right NGOs and the Czech diplomacy for a long time. On the other hand, a part of the Czech left still has the tendency to idealize left-wing governments in Latin America or to express some sympathy with them. These discords evoke the Cold War rhetoric on both sides (criticism in the light of human rights issues by the Czech right and also some left wing parties vs. advocacy of the regimes against U.S. interference on the part of the left). These disputes have referred not only to political issues of Latin America or Cuba, but to the role of identity and the historical experience of the participants or the comparative similarity of dictatorial regimes as well.

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The Multilateral Dimension of the Czech Foreign Policy

Author(s): Šárka Matějková,Veronika Bílková / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Taking into account its size, geographical position and historical experiences, it certainly comes as no surprise that the Czech Republic belongs among the proponents of multilateralism in its foreign policy. Yet, its taste for it is largely consumed by its membership in the European Union, the NATO and several international organizations of an economic nature (WTO, IMF, etc.). Other international fora, including the United Nations, the Council of Europe and the OSCE, remain somehow in the back-ground, often overshadowed by the three main topics on the agenda. The same applies to the CR’s relationship to international law. The Czech Republic generally supports respect for and further development of international law without turning it into a truly key topic on its agenda. Despite its attention being primarily oriented elsewhere, the Czech Republic has throughout 2007–2009 continued to take part in the activities of the UN, the Council of Europe, and the OSCE and in initiatives aimed at strengthening international law. Its accomplishments in all these spheres have been generally marked by two dominant trends: europeization and specialization.

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