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Područno ustrojstvo u Republici Hrvatskoj, problemi i perspektiva

Author(s): Nives Kopajtich-Škrlec / Language(s): Croatian

The article reviews the territorial setup of the Republic of Croatia since the transition to the new local government system based on rights, obligations and self-autonomy of local and regional governments, established in 1992, until today. What has been constantly announced since 1992 to today, are the reforms and shifts in the local government setup which would enable more quality provision of public services and performance of all tasks within the local government scope of autonomy, as well as the abandonment of these plans and intentions. The fact is that since local government has been introduced in Croatia, much progress and movements have been seen even on the territory that had long been considered as unperspective. On the other hand, the fact remains that a certain number of municipalities truly does not have any perspective at all. Some open questions are still present - what are the next steps, in what direction should the reduction of the number of municipalities go, should the number of municipalities be reduced and municipalities be adjoined to the cities, and what would be the effects of such actions. Regardless of the consent of proffesionals and politicans and their general commitment to reforms, the basic question is how to make and lead municipalities to cooperate and establish joint administrative bodies; and concentrate and unite their potentials for the common good, since mere reduction of their number will not solve their problems, but on the contrary, multiply them.

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Jak komunikovat Evropu? Komunikace a postoj veřejnosti k EU

Author(s): Jan Karlas / Language(s): Czech

Dne 21. října 2005 se v Olomouci uskutečnila konference nazvaná „Jak komunikovat Evropu? Komunikace a postoj veřejnosti k EU“. Jednalo se o třetí z cyklu čtyř konferencí nazvaného „Evropská integrace a evropská veřejnost“. Mezi hlavní otázky konference patřily význam komunikace vůči veřejnosti v otázkách týkajících se evropské integrace (dále jen jako komunikace) a také současné problémy a možné strategie této komunikace. V tomto shrnutí nabízíme přehled hlavních myšlenek, jež na této konferenci zazněly. Připojujeme rovněž konkrétní doporučení, která byla na konferenci navržena a která by měla vést ke zmírnění přetrvávajících nedostatků komunikace.

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Jak posílit koherenci českých politik pro mezinárodní rozvoj? Realistický přístup v oblastech migrace, obchodu a zemědělství

Author(s): Ondřej Horký / Language(s): Czech

I zdánlivě malé úpravy českých politik v oblasti migrace, obchodu a zemědělství mají velký vliv na rozvojové země, často větší než výrazné navýšení rozvojové spolupráce. Větší zohlednění zájmů chudých zemí v českých politikách je však mimořádně složité kvůli velkému počtu aktérů a jejich odlišným zájmům a institucionálním kulturám. Pokud má však mít česká rozvojová politika smysl, je nutné začít s posilováním koherence politik pro rozvoj co nejdříve. • V oblasti migrace je třeba pečlivě sledovat dopady pilotního projektu řízené migrace a reformovat program vládních stipendií pro studenty a studentky z rozvojových zemí tak, aby nepřispívaly jako dosud k „odlivu mozků“, ale je-li to uskutečnitelné, k jejich „oběhu“, tedy dočasné migraci. Také je nutné usnadnit zasílání remitencí přistěhovalců do rozvojových a transformujících se zemí a výhledově zapojit do rozvoje jejich diaspory. • V oblasti mezinárodního obchodu a zemědělství musí příslušné rezorty především plnit programové prohlášení vlády, které jim ukládá brát v potaz dopady obou politik na rozvojové země. Česká republika by měla prosazovat svoji spíše liberální pozici především také v bourání bariér na straně rozvinutých zemí. Společně je třeba přizvat Exportní garanční a pojišťovací společnosti k dialogu o mezinárodním rozvoji i proto, že v oblastech obchodu a zemědělství neexistuje shoda ohledně jeho významu.

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 51, god. III, Beograd, utorak, 5. avgust 2008.

Author(s): Branislav Jakovljević,Aleksandar Pavlović,Aleksandra Kostić,Tomislav Marković,Vesna Nikolić / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Branislav Jakovljević: ∆. ∆. ∆.; CEMENT/Karaoke obračun, Film Seks & grad, Aleksandar Pavlović: Figuracija nove zajednice, Aleksandra Kostić: Seks i moda; ARMATURA, Vesna Ninković: Da biste došli, morate prvo da odete; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Tomislav Marković: Tihovanje, ludom radovanje; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, KOLJEVIĆ, Nikola

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BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 16, Beograd, utorak, 3. april 2007.

Author(s): Mirko Kovač,Jasmina Vrbavac,Srđan Nastasijević,Darko Cvijetić,Tomislav Marković,Darko Cvijetić,Slobodan Georgiev / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Mirko Kovač: Kraj jedne epohe; CEMENT, Jasmina Vrbavac: Krljušti ljubavi; ŠTRAFTA, Slobodan Georgijev: Otvaranje Ključa, Srđan Nastasijević: Dok nas pretplata ne rastavi; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Darko Cvijetić: Kafkanje u mjestu, Tomislav Marković: Tako je govorio Galimatijas; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, EKMEŠIĆ, Milorad; BLOK BR. V, Kosmoplovci: Syndrom „A“

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Sarajevo i Kijev

Author(s): Dino Mustafić / Language(s): Bosnian

Rat u Ukrajini preobražava čovječanstvo pred našim očima. Mislili smo da je ovakav rat nemoguć u 21. vijeku i da će svijet mirno poći u eru slobode, blistavog napretka, planetarne solidarnosti i izobilja za sve; a nakon jezivih prizora brutalnog razaranja ukrajinskih gradova, bombardiranja civila, žrtava na ulicama, izbjegličkih kolona – jasno je da svijet juri u katastrofu. Iako je svaki sukob drugačiji, skoro sve priče su svuda iste. Ljudi žele da žive u miru i često ne obraćaju pažnju na dinamiku događaja koji vode ka ratu. A, rat kad počne, veoma je teško zaustaviti ga.

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Yukrajina

Author(s): Svetlana Slapšak / Language(s): Serbian

Krajem osamdesetih godina, kada je mnogo naučnika i naučnica, književnika i književnica pohrlilo iz SSSR-a na kongrese u intelektualno cvetajuću Jugoslaviju, bilo je nemoguće ne primetiti ukrajinski sastav: toliko lupetanja o nacionalnom duhu, od nikakvih sličnosti sa drugim Slovenima a naročito Rusima, preko neskrivenog antisemitizma, pa sve do nebuloza oko ukrajinskog “ґ” (koje je zaista bilo zabranjeno) kao izraza ukrajinske duše, teško se moglo podneti, pre svega zbog hiperprodukcije istoga u domaćem gnezdu. Pre nekoliko dana, na sajmu knjiga u Lajpcigu, eto nam svežih ukrajinskih intelektualnih boraca. Diksurs se nije mnogo promenio – od razlaganja kako je Putin psihijatrijski slučaj, sve do ocena da su i Belorusija i Ukrajina cvetale kad su im vladali Nemci. Ljudi su nedavno u Kijevu i drugde umrli za ideje, ideje to same po sebi nije popravilo. Učtivost zahteva da se slušaju svi koji imaju priliku da nešto kažu. Niko iz Ukrajine ili Belorusije nije nijednom rečju spomenuo ljudska prava, niko nije govorio o domaćim tajkunima, ili o razlozima da se preferiraju oni, evropski ili ruski eksploatatori.

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Turc, tătar sau turco-tătar. Probleme ale identității la turcii și tătarii din Dobrogea, în perioada postcomunistă

Author(s): Adriana Cupcea / Language(s): English,Romanian

This research aims to analyze the use and the references to the terms of Turkish, Tatar or Turkish-Tatar, as a reflection of the argumentative discourse, set up after 1990 in order to legitimize the options for a single ethnic identity, either Turkish or Tartar, or for a double ethnic identity, Turkish-Tatar. At the same time, the research shows the chronological alternation of these options from the level of the official discourse until the community level, identifying the social, political, economic, cultural or symbolic factors that determined this sequence in the post-communist era. From the methodological point of view, the research is based on the semantic analysis applied on the texts published in the newspapers of the Turkish and Tatar communities, Hakses (The Authentic Voice) and Karadeniz (The Black Sea). In the same time I used a series of documents issued by the representative organizations of the two ethnic groups, some published, some original unpublished documents. Finally, the research is based on a large number of semi-structured interviews with members of the two communities, conducted during successive field campaigns initiated in early 2013, the debate over a Turkish, Tatar or Turkish-Tatar identity being a recurring topic, self-discovered to the researcher in the field.

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Srbija i raspad Jugoslavije: put u rat

Author(s): Srđan Milošević / Language(s): Serbian

Već tri decenije u zainteresovanoj političkoj, akademskoj, ali i javnosti uopšte ponavlja se pitanje: da li je raspad Jugoslavije morao da bude tako krvav? Neki idu još i dalje pitajući se da li je raspad Jugoslavije uopšte bio neizbežan. Oba ova pitanja su svakako zanimljiv povod za debate, ali su, istovremeno, veoma neistorična: naknadna pamet je nemoćna pred stvarnim tokom istorije. Raspad i rat su se dogodili, ne samo odnoseći jednu multinacionalnu integraciju impresivnog potencijala u istoriju, već i uništavajući desetine hiljada života i utičući negativno na milione ljudi od Slovenije do Kosova.

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Slovenija iza turističke razglednice

Author(s): Božo Repe / Language(s): Serbian

Nakon 30 godina neovisnosti, prema različitim mjerilima Slovenija se u svijetu općenito smatra relativno razvijenom, sigurnom, ekološki čistom, turistički atraktivnom i socijalnom državom. Uključena je u sve značajne međunarodne institucije i još uvijek je ekonomski razvijenija od svih bivših jugoslavenskih republika. Prema takozvanom Ginijevom koeficijentu, koji mjeri nejednakost dohotka, jedna je od zemalja s najravnomjernije raspodijeljenim dohotkom među kućanstvima u EU.

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Fermentirani raspad

Author(s): Latinka Perović,Svetlana Lukić / Language(s): Serbian

30 godina samostalnosti Hrvatske i Slovenije: Sovjetska imperija se raspala bez nasilja iako je 27 miliona Rusa ostalo da živi van granica nove Ruske federacije. Česi i Slovaci su se rastali uz šampanjac. Zašto je Jugoslavija nestala u krvi? Govori istoričarka Latinka Perović. Razgovor vodi Svetlana Lukić.

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Examining the Role of Constitutional Courts in Post-Yugoslav Transitions: Conceptual Framework and Methodological Issues

Author(s): Edin Hodžić / Language(s): English

The role and influence of constitutional courts in policy-making processes, particularly in Europe, has increased significantly in recent decades. Ran Hirschl has famously coined the term ‘juristocracy’, denoting, with rather vocal criticism, the increasingly significant role of courts as an integral part of modern liberal constitutionalism. The role of constitutional courts has expanded not only in terms of the scope of policy issues they decide on (from a broad range of human rights to the structure of political institutions and architecture of the political process) but also with regard to the nature of their activity. Transcending the projected boundaries of the Kelsenian ‘negative legislator’ controling the constitutionality of laws, the constitutional courts are increasingly seen as ‘positive legislators’, dictating the content of legislative acts to be adopted by parliaments and, in some instances, performing legislative activity to replace invalidated laws. This trend of judicalization of politics is observed not only in established democracies with a long tradition of constitutional review, but also in new and developing ones.

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Reforms of (Private) University Sector in Kosovo 2009

Author(s): Aljaf Bakhtyar,Zijad Bećirović / Language(s): English

A comprehensive reform of the higher educational sector is underway in Kosovo. This is the first action of the government of this kind after independence and also first after the adoption of the law on higher education by UNMIK administration in May 2003. The universities are part of societies and regardless of their high level of autonomy and academic freedom changes are necessary. The intention of the new law is to set up a comprehensive system for quality assurance, licensing and accreditation procedures and methodology for stable financing of higher education for both, public and private sector. The reform process is focused on the public University of Prishtina and public University of Mitrovica (this university is operating as unofficial part of Serbian University system) and also to the private university sector.

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Local Election in Kosovo: The Ugly Political Language of PDK

Author(s): Aljaf Bakhtyar,Zijad Bećirović / Language(s): English

Even though Democratic Party Kosovo (PDK) did start election campaign, long before official time, impression was that somehow it would get over without any further problems. But, only after couple of days, when the election campaign began, particularly from (PDK) campaign language of communication started to get ugly, especially the one against Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK). PDK with its unexpected attacks, with its strong language of communication, exceeded unusually, red line, of tolerance and calmness, which is well known standard of political communication in Kosovo.

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Professional Diplomacy: Yes or No?

Author(s): Jožef Kunič / Language(s): English

Already in mid 1990s the diplomats of the independent state of Slovenia undertook the activities aimed at professionalization of Slovenian diplomacy. After the consultation with the then President of the National Assembly Janez Podobnik, a number of professional diplomats assumed the leading positions in Slovenian embassies. However, that was only the beginning of long-lasting efforts. Slovenian diplomacy and even its highest positions were still staffed by people coming from the fields that were not much related to diplomacy, and they were often appointed for only one term of office. There have been about 70 such members of embassy staff appointed for only one term of office who then quit this profession, which is a very high number for Slovenia. Career diplomats were justifiably dissatisfied with the situation. Eventually, the law was amended last year to stipulate that the ambassador may only be a person who is a diplomat, which means that he/she has to be employed at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and have at least seven years of practical experience at that Ministry.

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Bosnia and Herzegovina - Inauguration of the New Serbian Leader in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): Aljaf Bakhtyar / Language(s): English

The US Vice President Joseph Biden’s visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Kosovo from 19 to 21 May 2009 is an expression of the restored interest of the new US Administration in the Balkans and Bosnia and Herzegovina as the central country in the region. It also represents the end of the “Dayton phase” of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the beginning of the new phase of upgrading the Dayton Agreement or entering into a new agreement for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Agreement should not be regarded or understood outside the context of other diplomatic efforts for the region carried out during the same period. The “Z4” Plan was marked by the cooperation of four ambassadors – of the US, Russia, Britain and the EU – and envisaged the division of Croatia into several enclaves whereby about one fourth of the territory would belong to the so called Serbian enclaves. However, the plan failed since the Croatian authorities feared the consequences of its implementation and therefore prevented its realisation with the military operations called “Flash” and “Storm”, carried out with the material support of the USA. That was possible since Croatia was in a much better position than Bosnia and Herzegovina at that point in time.

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Seminar - Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Partnership for Peace

Author(s): Bisera Turković,Jozo Krizanović,Robert Mason Beecroft,George Katsirdakis,Ibrahim Spahić,Boris Shmelyov,Zsolt Rabai,Miroslav Nikolić,Imre Agotić,Ognjen Pribicević,John Hampson,Nikola Radovanović,Martin Frančešvić,Jovan Ostojić,Ivan Nagulov / Language(s): English

At the start I would like to express welcome to all of our esteemed guests both domestic and coming from abroad. I would especially like to thank Mr. Krizanovic, who will be officially opening this seminar, His Excellency Ambassador Beecroft, Head of the OSCE Mission, Mr. George Katsirdakis, also well known to all of us, a distinguished personality who I may so is a person that is of the most significance at this moment in relation to the Partnership for Peace (PfP). I will not be too long and take too much of your time, but allow me to perhaps clarify why are we organizing this seminar. You know that the Presidency of BiH has expressed its wish by sending a Letter of Intention, in which it is stated that Bosnia and Herzegovina would like to join the PfP – with Yugoslavia we are the only country that is not a member of this organization. Since parliamentarians should also be informed about the responsibilities once the country has entered the PfP, in the overall process and procedure and what the PfP itself means, then I must say that I am very happy being the Director of the CSS, to see such a great response as well as seeing that we are joined by such distinguished speakers. I am also certain that after their presentations many more things will be clear. I also did not know that there are quite frequent misinterpretations due to the lack of information, and we also know that to BiH we have invited these distinguished speakers who are experts in this subject matter, and who will join and support us. The orientation of armed forces before 1991 was towards a collective enemy; however, today we speak more about threats and risks. The events of the 90s changed the perceptions of security and armed forces. Armed forces lost their territorial orientation, and the question of security was no longer restricted to borders. The defence military strategy was given up in place of an active security policy. This has also meant that in place of numerousness, the impetus has been passed to concentrate on flexibility, mobility and rapid reaction. Indeed, this has been the trend in Western Europe, where in 1989 the Dutch army had personnel number of 100,000 and today this had been reduced to 60,000; the same is with the German army where in 1989 they had 470,000 and today that figure is 282,000. The current situation of the BiH armed forces is that they are founded according to a definition directed towards each other entity. In this manner they currently justify their own existence. Consequently, the nature of change of the armed forces is systemic, really existential.

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Seminar on Economic Aspects of Security (2002)

Author(s): Claudio Zappulla,Ignac Golob,Bisera Turković,Anto Domazet,Ljubica Jelušič,Richard Temsch,Paolo Borgna,Dario Carminati,Nidia Casati,Robert Barić,Branislav Milinković,Neset Muminagić,Duško Vejnović,Peter Semneby,Alexander Alekseyev / Language(s): English

His Excellency Mr. Golob, Distinguished Ambassadors, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is with great pleasure that I welcome you to this seminar in Portoroz, Slovenia. Before proceeding, I wish to thank the Government of Slovenia for graciously allowing us to hold our seminar in beautiful Portoroz. Why this seminar? Why this topic? And. Why now? Perhaps those questions have crossed your mind as you received your invitation to participate in this seminar. “Why this seminar”. To answer this question I will briefly recall some events over the past few years that have led us to Portoroz today. The Agreement for Confidence – and Security Building Measures in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Article II, Annex 1b, Dayton Peace Accords) contains one particular provision for “voluntary measures”. Under the auspices of this provision we have, over the past few years, conducted numerous seminars on topics such as “Democratic Control of the Armed Forces”, “Military Support to Civilians in Cases of Man-Made or Natural Disaster”. In particular, the seminar on Democratic Control spawned a whole series of initiatives involving NATO and OHR, as well as a number of bilateral initiatives, most notably with Switzerland and Sweden which focussed on members of the BiH government and senior military officials. In tandem with these initiatives, my office, with the gracious help of a number of OSCE countries, has sponsored Code of Conduct seminars targeting junior and mid-level officers. These seminars are an introduction into the OSCE as a body and the Code of Conduct measures adopted by the OSCE. In addition to these efforts, and still under the auspices of the Article II Agreement, the members of the Joint Consultative Commission, the body that oversees implementation of the Agreement on Confidence – and Security-Building Measures in Bosnia and Herzegovina agreed that in the interest of greater confidence and transparency they would allow a team of international auditors to conduct an audit of their respective military budgets. The aim, of course, was to show that the budgets could no longer sustain the relatively large military forces maintained in Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This audit process was hugely successful and evolved into a mammoth initiative that was given to Ambassador Beecroft and his staff. Arguably, it was this initial audit decision that has subsequently led to the tremendous restructuring and demobilization process that is on-going. This is of course a painful process but a necessary one that will lead to a military structure more compatible with actual defense and security needs and will move Bosnia and Herzegovina one step closer to European integration.

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Social Survey - Perceptions and Attitudes of the Citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards Terrorism and the Role of International Security Organisations

Author(s): Bisera Turković,Vladimir Obradović,Sanja Ljubičić,Armin Kržalić,Amel Kadić,Arnel Šahurić / Language(s): English

The survey of the perceptions and attitudes of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) towards terrorism and the roles of international security organisations (NATO, SFOR) comparatively encompassed subjects from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (FBiH) and the Republika Srpska (RS). Due to the content of the research only male subjects have been included, which we selected by a systematic, stratification sample, dependent upon telephone number in each individual canton. The control of the accuracy of the samples and the analysis of the results afterwards was conducted according to the variables of age, work experience and nationality. Besides this, we conducted focus groups that involved interviewing journalists, officers, professors, faculty assistants and students. The commentary and content of the discussion made possible a qualitative approach in the investigation. The most important findings of this investigatory research are: 1. Subjects from the FBiH and the RS are not differentiated by any statistical significance in the perceptions and evaluations that there is no serious threat from foreign terrorism in BiH, and that it is only possible to speak about internal terrorism towards returnees; 2. Anxiety from terrorism for the majority of the subjects from the older generation has not grown after 11 September 2001. Only within the group of younger subjects from the ages of 18 - 30 has this perception more significantly increased. However, the data from the focus group is interesting, which points towards the significance of the presence of negative perceptions towards the manner in which the US is leading the anti-terrorist campaign and the war against terrorism in Afghanistan; 3. Attitudes towards the accession to the European Union (EU) and the NATO Alliance are expressly positive between subjects in the FBiH, but that picture is diametrically reversed by the opinion in the RS, especially in view of the expressed negative position concerning the accession of BiH to NATO; 4. Confidence in international security institutions has an identical direction and relationship between the citizens of the FBiH and RS. Namely, the citizens of the FBiH have a highlevel of confidence in NATO, SFOR and the Hague Tribunal, while the citizens of the RS have little or no confidence in the Hague Tribunal; consequently, it is possible to speak about "group blindness" for the arguments and evidence concerning war crimes. 5. The attitude towards the downsizing of the military was positively polled by 80% of the subjects in the FBiH and 64% of the subjects in the RS, which is a statistically significant difference. However, the real gulf in attitudes of the citizens of the FBiH and RS is reflected in the level of support for a Joint Military Command, which has the support of 93% of the population of the FBiH and only 33% of the population of the RS.

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Seminar on Economic Aspects of Security (2003)

Author(s): Bisera Turković,Claudio Zappulla,Mirsad Ćeman,Pierpaolo Tempesta,Heinz Vetschera,Vladimir Matek,Izet Žigić,Slavko Žmarić,Jiri Kalasnikov,Richard Temsch,Emina Kečo-Isaković,Almir Džuvo,Huso Hadžidedić,Mladen Staničić,Branislav Milinković,Marcin Święcicki,Moises Venancio,David R. Nicholas,Nedžad Hadžimusić / Language(s): English

His Excellency Mr. Golob, Distinguished Ambassadors, Ladies and Gentlemen, it is with great pleasure that I welcome you to this seminar in Portoroz, Slovenia. Before proceeding, I wish to thank the Government of Slovenia for graciously allowing us to hold our seminar in beautiful Portoroz. Why this seminar? Why this topic? And. Why now? Perhaps those questions have crossed your mind as you received your invitation to participate in this seminar. “Why this seminar”. To answer this question I will briefly recall some events over the past few years that have led us to Portoroz today. The Agreement for Confidence – and Security Building Measures in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Article II, Annex 1b, Dayton Peace Accords) contains one particular provision for “voluntary measures”. Under the auspices of this provision we have, over the past few years, conducted numerous seminars on topics such as “Democratic Control of the Armed Forces”, “Military Support to Civilians in Cases of Man-Made or Natural Disaster”. In particular, the seminar on Democratic Control spawned a whole series of initiatives involving NATO and OHR, as well as a number of bilateral initiatives, most notably with Switzerland and Sweden which focussed on members of the BiH government and senior military officials. In tandem with these initiatives, my office, with the gracious help of a number of OSCE countries, has sponsored Code of Conduct seminars targeting junior and mid-level officers. These seminars are an introduction into the OSCE as a body and the Code of Conduct measures adopted by the OSCE.

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