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Kada se sagleda razvoj u proteklih 20 godina može se s razlogom postaviti pitanje: i da li smo postigli_e ravnopravnost spolova kada govorimo o političkom životu u Bosni i Hercegovini? Negativno nastrojeni_e vrlo jednostavno proteklih 20 godina mogu proglasiti debaklom. BiH nikad nije imala ženu članicu Predsjedništva, nije imala premijerku Vijeća ministara BiH, niti je imala predsjednicu na čelu ijedne relevantne stranke. Politika je bila i ostala muška stvar. Osobe koje pozitivno gledaju na svijet isticaće napredak koji se desio. Od manje od 3% poslanica početkom devedesetih popeli smo se na zastupljenost od preko 20%. Žene postepeno ali sigurno osvajaju pozicije i sve su prisutnije u političkom životu, vlasti i strankama.
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The petition opened with the question: “Would you like to pay 10 to 20% less for electricity, gas, water consumption, and sewage treatment?” “Of course,” replied millions of Hungarians. “Are you in favor of the government passing on Hungary’s accumulated debt to banks, telecommunications firms, and commercial networks by levying sector-specific taxes instead of reducing debt with your direct contribution, for instance by hiking value added tax on goods and services?” Once again, the reply was are sounding “Yes.” But if the following were added to the petition: “Do you accept that in the wake of the price cuts and sector-specific taxes suppliers will turn a loss and be compelled to cut staff, stall network development projects and, ultimately, reduce the quality of electricity, gas, water supply,etc.?,” it would spark outrage. Likewise, if suppliers added on more and more charges to cover their losses, broad disgruntlement would certainly ensue. These questions and findings are not mere figments of the imagination,but the current reality in Hungary.
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At the beginning of January 2014, the agreement signed by Viktor Orbán and Vladimir Putin at a meeting in Moscow elicited considerable public debate. This debate, however, was quite fragmented. It was not so much the cacophony of genres, or the cavalcade of domestic, foreign, or energy policy arguments, or the ideological or visceral viewpoints that were most striking, but rather the unstructured nature of the debate, and the divergent nature of the questions asked by those debating the subject. Two basic questions should be separated at the outset: First, what kind of energy policy options are there, and how well-founded is the Paks expansion plan in a technical sense? Is there a need for it? Second, what aspects guided the government, and within that the premier and his inner circle, in making this decision?
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In this chapter the cultural politics of the Orbán regime will be interpreted in the context of the regime as a whole. In post-2010 Hungary, cultural policy cannot be viewed as one of the governmental sectors separable from the prime minister’s concept of power and symbolic politicking. The autocratic worldview and nationalist political culture represented by him are closely related to what his underlings perform under the rubric “cultural policy.” The essence of cultural policy is expressed by the notion of nationalism. This approach does not much tolerate alternative worldviews and artistic expressions; it seeks to achieve hegemony, if not cultural monopoly. Representatives of the regime do not enter debates on cultural and political values—they simply disregard the opposing views and aim to represent their own hegemonic approach which is identified with “the nation.” The cadres appointed as chiefs of a sector act according to the prime minister’s expectations.
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It would be plausible to construct a ‘variety of communisms’ theory, categorizing the state-socialist economies not only by region but by historical epoch. China, for example, imitated the Stalinist model in the first years after the Revolution, but by the 1960s the PRC had developed its own unique social and economic institutions. The goulash communism of János Kádár’s Hungary, which took shape after 1956, differed drastically from the classical Soviet model. Nevertheless, during the last decades of state socialism, the communist societies were broadly on a convergence trajectory: the gap between Czechoslovakia or Hungary and the USSR, for instance, narrowed. State ownership of the means of production, the redistributive nature of economic integration and the political monopoly of the Communist Party created a homologous institutional environment. The system largely suppressed the legacies of pre-communist times.
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The main objective of the paper is to analyze the economic position of Serbia i. e. to evaluate the current level of development of the Serbian economy in comparison to the economies of the former Yugoslav republics. It is evident that two decades after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) former republics are facing rather inconvenient economic trends, of which the most important are unsatisfactory level of actual Gross domestic product (GDP), high unemployment and foreign trade deficits, insufficient foreign direct investments (FDI) and growing indebtedness. Bearing in mind that the above economic trends are caused by different levels of economic development of the individual republics, different political and economic circumstances as well as the dynamics and the way they implemented a comprehensive reform of economic and political life in order to shift from a centrally planned to a market based economy and integrate into the European Union (EU), paper reviews the historical events that followed the disintegration of SFRY and the basic characteristics of the transition of former Yugoslav republics.
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The following chapter explores how the Holocaust of 1944 and the end of the communist revolutionary project in 1989 are constructed in terms of their contemporary relevance in Hungary to thereby discuss some key questions of historical explanation and narrative coherence in post-communist times. My focus will be on major trends, key disagreements, and recent changes in Holocaust remembrance and the meanings assigned to 1989. I shall conceive of Holocaust remembrance as intimately linked to the issue of historical responsibility whereas I shall treat the remembrance of 1989 as a crucial problem of historical orientation that also has a decisive political stake.
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The main objective of the paper is to assess the temporal and territorial convergence/divergence of the NUTS 2 regions of the EU with a focus on the Czech and Slovak NUTS 2 regions. The study is based on a comparison of NUTS 2 GDP per capita indicators. The source data is based on the Eurostat dataset Regional gross domestic product (PPS per inhabitant in % of the EU27 (from 2020) average) by NUTS 2 regions for the period 2010-2021. In this paper, GDP has been analysed only in terms of absolute or relative amounts, and other factors have not been taken into account. The results of the study demonstrate the heterogeneous development of Czech and Slovak NUTS 2 regions, where the example of Slovak regions shows a long-term gradual internal convergence of NUTS 2 regions, while in relation to other EU countries there is an external divergence, resulting in the second worst position in terms of GDP/cap. In the case of the Czech NUTS 2 regions, internal divergence has been identified, where individual regions are economically "moving away" from each other, unfortunately, the Czech Republic has been stagnating in the long term in relation to other EU countries.
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The pension system is a very important social policy instrument of the state. An incorrectly set pension system, or one that does not respond sufficiently to the often contradictory developmental changes in its individual parameters, can cause social disharmony, not only between or within generations. The aim of this paper is to assess the regional aspect of the consequences of the current Czech pension system based on the principles of solidarity and equivalence. It seeks an answer to the question whether, from a regional perspective, the pension system is more likely to induce social harmony or to provoke conflict among regions. The starting point is an analysis of selected parameters of the pension system of the Czech Republic in the period 2010-2021, the results of which are followed by a regional analysis of average gross wages and average old-age pensions, including an assessment of the relationship between them, using normalized data for both indicators. Five types of positions of the Czech regions are identified in determining solidarity donors and solidarity recipients. At the same time, some points are pointed out that should not be overlooked in the context of pension reform, as they could be a source of social conflicts in the future.
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The objective of the paper is to identify the determinants of the success rate of submitted projects for European Structural and Investment Funds (ESIF) funding for municipalities in Slovakia in the 2014-2020 programming period. Regressors used in the created econometric model include proxies for project writing experience, municipalities' demographics, and financial indicators. In the model, we also use other characteristics: the share of projects that were submitted by female mayors of municipalities and the share of projects approved for a municipality whose mayor was supported in the previous elections by the parliamentary parties participating in the government between 2014 and 2020. Our results indicate that experience with submitting grants, the unemployment rate, the share of the population in productive age, debt per capita and affiliation to a political party, and women's leadership have a significant relationship with the success rate of municipal project proposals, although not always in the direction we expected.
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The need to assess sustainable processes and states is a driving assumption for the paper, having as an objective to explore the assessment model of the Transitioning Performance Index by the European Union. The purpose is to analyze for 24 out of the EU-27 countries for the year 2020 using multivariate, the distribution of performance within the 37 indicators used for the estimation of the transitioning performance index. The results produced 24 principal components of which the first 8 accounted for 89 percent cumulative variation and 10 accounted for 93 percent. The 24 countries selected were further classified into 4 groups based on the PCA results and the observable correlations between the original variables and the PCA were also determined. The results showed that the main indicators and the new PCA could be used as policy and decision-making guidelines for individual countries to determine strengths, weaknesses and opportunities for inclusive and sustainable development initiatives and programmes.
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The pandemic has paralyzed the world and the European economy, with the exception of the tourism sector. The aim of the paper is focused to the functional evaluation of a selected tour operator with national scope and foreign background. In this paper, we follow the scope of the travel agency and its reflection on the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. We analyze its operation in the period 2011-2022. The research took place in 2021 during the summer season. The number of clients depends mainly on the political stability of the destination, travel arrangements and the overall behavior of visitors, which cannot be influenced by the tour operator. We compare the pre-pandemic and post-pandemic periods and the current situation in tourism in Slovakia. We also focused on forms of tourism assistance and individual aid schemes. In the pandemic period, it was dominated by domestic tourism, and so travel agencies and tour operators began to orient and adapt their products to Slovak clients.
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The tertiary-educated population is considered an important production factor in the economy. This paper focuses on the development of the tertiary-educated population in Slovak municipalities over the last thirty years. In this paper, we focused on examining the development of human capital at the level of Slovak municipalities, which ultimately represents a development in more than 2,800 territorial units. The aim of the paper was to present the spatial aspects of the development of the tertiary-educated population in Slovakia. Furthermore, we wanted to examine what changes occurred during the observed period in the supply of the tertiary-educated population among the municipalities of Slovakia. Moreover, we examined the relationship between the development of the tertiary-educated population and the population density. Tertiary-educated population represents the highest level of human capital and is associated with positive socio-economic effects not only for individuals, but also for larger society. High population density indicates the presence of a larger number of firms, as well as a larger number and a wider variety of services, which are characteristic for cities. In this paper, we estimated the functional relationship between the increase in the tertiary-educated population and the level of population density at the municipal level. The results show that in a municipality, where one extra inhabitant lives per square kilometre, the number of tertiary-educated inhabitants increased by four between 1991 and 2021.
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In 2015; thanks to Egypt; the League of Arab States returned to the idea of establishing joint Arab forces. The idea is not a new concept; it first appeared in the 1950s. Under the Treaty on Common Defense and Economic Cooperation; the Joint Defense Council was established as a body responsible for coordinating the military effort of the Arabs. The AL then tried to respond to external conflicts and resolve intra-Arab disputes using peaceful means of resolving them; with a view to respecting the countries territorial integrity and Arab unity. The threats that appeared in the region after the Cold War; including terrorism; and the effects of the social protests known as the Arab Spring on the Middle East – the development of terrorist organizations; civil wars – led to the resumption of talks on military cooperation in the fight against the challenges. At the 26th Arab Summit in Sharm el-Sheikh in March 2015; it was proposed to create a joint Arab force as a rapid reaction force. For this purpose; the organizational structure was reformed and the competences of the Arab Peace and Security Council were expanded. Then; a draft agreement was developed specifying the goals; tasks; method of operation and financing of these forces. Arab countries; despite their initially positive approach to the idea; were divided when this document was prepared. Opposition from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states led to the project being frozen in time. These countries chose military cooperation by forming ad hoc coalitions.
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