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This case study examines the KVN (Klub Vesyeliykh i Nakhodchivikh) TV show. This is the “post-1991 version of the Soviet-era show KVN, which achieved cult status among students, spawning a nationwide competition with teams from every Soviet republic competing against each other in leagues, forming panels of experts with socio-political satire skills”. KVN could be considered a phenomenon, having extended beyond being a TV show, it presents concerts in cities and runs local competitions in schools.
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Ukraine is a unique case for study as far as the use of humour as a strategic communication tool is concerned. Russia launched a massive information war against another country. During the first months after the annexation of Crimea and the war in Eastern Ukraine, there was no unified or coordinated approach to countering Russian propaganda. Furthermore, during the first phases of the war, civil and military volunteers, and the Ukrainian diaspora took the place of the official Ukrainian authorities in countering Russia’s information attacks. A horizontally organized, post-Euromaidan Ukrainian civil society had to combat Russia’s vertically constructed propaganda machine. That horizontally structured civil society provided such functions of humour as solidarity (belongingness) and stress-relief. As the information war progressed, Ukraine, a country with no real experience in counterpropaganda and with restricted financial capacity, had to learn how to fight back, literally from square one. That is why Ukraine counterpropaganda and use of humour were and still are more a product of a variety of independent and spontaneous initiatives, rather than a systemic approach. Nevertheless, the diverse landscape of humour in the Ukrainian media provides a rich source of information for the case study.
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Humour is a universal concept that has been analysed within different disciplines of social sciences. The study presented by a group of scholars aims to elaborate a multidisciplinary methodological framework that can be applied in the analysis of humour, particularly if researchers or practitioners are confronted with very large sets of data, as well as to the construction of humorous messages for strategic communication purposes. The methodological framework is not a template to follow when generating humorous stories or jokes, but rather a collection of the most relevant attributes of humour that can be combined in different groupings to achieve the initial strategic goal. In order to test the functioning of the methodological framework and identify its strengths and weaknesses, three case studies were conducted. The first case study, on the discrediting of Western political leaders in late-night shows broadcast by the central Russian TV channels, identified humour as a massive propaganda tool aimed at national and international audiences. The second case study dealt with KVN (Klub Vesyeliykh i Nakhodchivikh) which is a TV-show and competition broadcast since the early 1970s. While the third case, focusing on the use of humour by the Ukrainian media, provides rich evidence on humour as a tool of counter-propaganda. The Ukrainian case also serves as an example of the role of humour in a situation of on-going information warfare. The following conclusions and recommendations were identified from the analyses of the three case studies.
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This chapter covers women’s politics and activism in the period between the adoption of the Gender Equality Law in 2003 and 2015, when this chapter was written. The Gender Equality Law is seen as a turning point for the political participation of women in BiH, primarily because it demanded the harmonization of other laws, including the Electoral Law, with the 40% gender quota it introduced. Another key moment for women’s organizations was the formation of The Club of Women Parliamentarians FBiH in 2013. This chapter will elaborate on the challenges and obstacles the women in the Federal Parliament faced during the implementation of this initiative. The chapter will also discuss the role of women in the Executive since recent years have seen an increase in the number of posts held by women at all levels of the BiH government. The internal organization of political parties will also be discussed, specifically – the role women play in the decisionmaking bodies of their chosen political parties. In its conclusion, this chapter will present the emerging female politicians who represent the future of women’s politics in BiH.
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Germany’s Turkish communities have long been at the centre of vibrant political, academic and public deliberations. During the guest-worker years and the family reunification period that followed, and throughout their emergence as fixed attributes on German cities’ landscapes, Turks secured a firm place in debates in a Germany that was a reluctant and hesitant country of immigration. In recent years, they have been the prime focus of discussions and reflections on integration, citizenship, multiculturalism, segregation, social cohesion and the place of Islam in Germany. On the whole, the history of Turkish migration to and subsequent settlement in Germany during the post-1960s era has conventionally been associated with economic exploitation and hardship, residential difficulties and segregation, educational underachievement, confusion, uncertainty, shortsighted political strategies and ad hoc social provisions (Herbert, 1986; Abadan-Unat, 2011). Turks have gradually come to be perceived as the ethnic minority group least likely to achieve integration into German society, and as recognizable and clear Ausländer.
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People referred to as Turkish immigrants in Britain are comprised of Turks, Kurds emanating from the borders of the Turkish Republic and Turkish Cypriots. Turkish Cypriots migration to Britain started in the 1940s following the World War II and increased throughout the 1960s (Ladbury 1977; Robins & Aksoy 2001). Turkish migration from mainland Turkey to Britain started in the early 1970s (Mehmet Ali 2001; Issa 2005). Ethnic Kurds from Turkey began to immigrate in larger numbers during the late 1980s and early 1990s, often seeking refuge and asylum status (Robins & Aksoy 2001; Atay 2006). These increasing waves of migration have resulted in a significant social and cultural presence within British society (Çoştu, 2013a).
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The destructive effects of the Second World War, which resulted in great loss and suffering in the not so distant past, still has an important place in the lives of countless people living in different geographical locations. German families constitute a population whose members witnessed the bitter outcomes of the war in no small measure. War-related memories of families have been handed down from generation to generation up to the present day. Despite many of the generation who actually lived through the war preferring to erase the traces of it from their day to day lives, their children and even their grandchildren have taken on board this memory (Koçyiğit, 2016).
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Human mobility is the human face of globalization, the cement that links human communities across the globe and a highly relevant political issue increasingly controversial in many societies in the face of mounting pressures. The main drivers behind human mobility across and within borders are related to the three Ds, Demography and demographic gaps; Development failures and poverty; Democratic and governance failure associated with human rights violations. Moreover, mobility is both a consequence and a cause of human insecurity. On the one hand it is a response to a deregulated globalization that produces increasing inequality and human insecurity but, on the other, mobility itself is increasingly associated with higher levels of human insecurity in the absence of a robust system of international protection.
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Excluding the Armenians and some small groups of converts , the Iraqi Christians are the indigenous people of Iraq. Their roots go back thousands of years before Christianity in the lands of Mesopotamia. In other words, I believe the Iraqi Christians are the true native people of Iraq, being descendants of the ancient Assyrians and Babylonians. The Aramaic-speaking Christians (Assyrians, Chaldeans, Chaldo-Assyrians) are not a new Christian community ‘evangelised’ by western missionaries, as is the case in many African and East Asian Christian communities.
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The Kakai, also called Yārsan or Ahl-e Haqq, follow a religion that emerged thousands of years ago. Their monotheist religion has four principles: Pāki, Rīsti, Nīsti, and Radā. Kakai speak a distinct language called ‘Macho’, a Gūrani Kurdish dialect, and are famous for agriculture and shepherding. They show a strong passion for playing music, because music is an essential part of their religion and rituals. Originally, Kakai believe in Doon-a-Doon (life after death), where a soul passes 1,000 Doon within 50,000 years, and continuously moves from one body to another until it reaches perfection. They also believe that God manifested himself in different souls, such as Ali (the first Shia Imam) and Shah Khoshin, before embodying himself in the form of Sultan Sahak, the founder of the Kakai religion. Kakai also believe that after 1001 transmigrations, the soul comes back to an everlasting home, and everything becomes part of God . In every period, someone had a sense of God, and each period was called the ‘period of Yār’.
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European Turks have experienced a tough adaptation process in their host countries because of the coming back to their homeland possibility has considerably decreased. Although acquiring citizenship in the host countries has several achievements legally, they came across problems such as a crisis of religious and national identity, conflicts of generations and cultures, and alienation. Turkish immigrants have established a number of community organizations and solidarity networks within the framework of the legal rights granted to them by the host country, primarily to provide services in various areas. One of the organizations that has been founded by European Turks are mostly mosque based organizations. The most important part of these organizations founded especially by Turkish immigrants who are close or sympathisers to religious groups and movements in Turkey or connected with them. These organizations were very similar to religious groups and movement in Turkey and in time they have become institutive for fulfilling differentiated demands of immigrant communities. Because of their active role in the everyday religious life of European Turks analysing those civil religious organizations and the religious and cultural life around it is so valuable.
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The 2015 “migration crisis” has stimulated the European political imagination with an image of migration and border control as based on a mixture of humanitarianism and security. Indeed, the European borders and migratory routes have been increasingly framed in the media and political debates as the sites of a humanitarian and security emergency (see Dekker & Scholten, 2017; Greussing & Boomgaarden, 2017; Ibrahim & Howarth, 2017). The accounts of children dying in the Mediterranean have been reproduced together with images of uncontrollable crowds gathering at the borders, and again with overburdened reception centres with deplorable humanitarian conditions (see BBC, 2018; The Guardian, 2018; Reuters, 2018). All these framings have been (re)merging in the public debate, building a sense of humanitarian crisis, but also insecurity and uncertainty regarding the most suitable course of action at the European level. Regardless the European Union’s (EU) attempts to respond to the increased migratory flows, the humanitarian situation has been getting more severe, generating a political momentum for mobilization of more decisive, security-oriented and even militarized measures in dealing with the crisis. Consequently, the EU has decided to increase its operational and military presence in the Mediterranean with Frontexled Joint Operations (JO) (i.e. Triton, Poseidon and Themis) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) naval mission (i.e. EUNAVFOR MED Sophia), explicitly framing the mobilization of security capabilities as search and rescue and “live saving” operations.
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In 2015 and 2016, Germany faced an influx of asylum seekers on an unprecedented scale. How did the country react to this so-called “refugee crisis”? The response was a major effort at all levels of the federal state: the federal level, the Länder, the local authorities, but also civil society, welfare associations and NGOs. There have been countless measures in the most diverse fields of action (Grote, 2018). This article will specifically deal with the question of how and which legislative and administrative changes were put in place at the federal level in order to better manage the changing influx.
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La política migratoria que surgió a partir de la culminación de manera unilateral del Programa Bracero, propició nuevas ideologías antiinmigrante y con ello, nuevas reformas políticas por las que se vieron respaldadas; dicha política se agudizó con la construcción del muro fronterizo, el poder que se otorgó a la Patrulla Fronteriza y las interminables leyes estatales en contra de la población inmigrante. Estas leyes abarcaban temas respecto al trabajo, educación y seguridad social, que contribuyen al crecimiento del conservadurismo blanco estadounidense. Como consecuencia del flujo constante de inmigrantes mexicanos en Estados Unidos, en especial los irregulares, los lineamientos migratorios se tornan hacia el nacionalismo xenofóbico.
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First of all, it is essential to point out the importance of the cooperation with the neighboring countries. Solely the protection of European Union's (hereinafter EU) borders cannot be successful unless neighboring countries cooperate in the fields of irregular migration and the fight against cross-border criminality and terrorism. In order to do this, the EU should offer a certain level of compensatory measures that incentivize such cooperation, such as economic privileges or visa facilitation. As an incentivizing measure, the EU recently signed readmission agreements with its neighboring countries and offered economic advantages, such as access to the single market, free trade agreements or the possibility of easier visa acquisition, which can be considered a "realistic option".
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