2003–2015: ERA MEHANIZAMA ZA RODNU RAVNOPRAVNOST

Author(s): Edita Miftari / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Ovo poglavlje obrađuje žensku politiku i angažmane najaktivnijih političarki u BiH od usvajanja Zakona o ravnopravnosti spolova 2003. godine do trenutka pisanja ovog poglavlja 2015. godine. Usvajanje ovog Zakona se u historiji bh. ženske politike postavlja kao prekretnica u ženskoj političkoj participaciji, a najviše zato što je rodna kvota od 40% koju uvodi dovela i do harmonizacije drugih ključnih zakonskih odredbi, kao što su odredbe Izbornog zakona BiH, o čemu će također biti riječi u poglavlju koje slijedi. Jedan od vrlo važnih momenata u ženskom političkom udruživanju, pored udruživanja unutar političkih partija u različite forume, asocijacije i aktive, predstavlja i formiranje prvog nadstranačkog kluba u Parlamentu Federacije BiH 2013. godine. Stoga će ovo poglavlje obraditi izazove i prepreke sa kojima su se susretale federalne parlamentarke u implementiranju ove inicijative. Ovo poglavlje će obraditi i segment izvršne vlasti u BiH, s obzirom da posljednjih godina žene obnašaju sve više izvršnih funkcija na svim nivoima u BiH, ali će također biti riječi i o unutarstranačkim strukturama nekih političkih partija, odnosno o položaju žena na pozicijama odlučivanja unutar njihovih političkih opcija. Za kraj, ovo poglavlje će kratko predstaviti i nove nade na političkoj sceni u BiH koje predstavljaju budućnost bh. ženske politike.

V DIO: Granice milenija, sadašnjost

Author(s): Elmaja Bavčić,Zlatan Delić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Započeto razvodnjavanje i rasplinjavanje ženskih prava i utjecaja postignutih izlaskom žena iz privatne u javnu sferu tokom rata nastavilo se u postsocijalističkoj BiH. Tranzicija, izgradnja države, postdejtonski kontekst, kvote – nacionalne, teritorijalne, rodne, demokratizacija i ostali socijalni ugovori pokazali su se vrlo rodno obojeni kada se govori o restrukturi ženskih pozicija. U procesima ekonomske reintegracije, reartikulaciji radnih prava i ostvarivanja političke moći, mjesto i uloga žene nastavlja retrogradni trend započet sa posljednjim ratom. Glavni neprijatelji feminizma u postjugoslavenskom prostoru su državne nacionalne ideologije, na impresivan način paralelne u svome diskursu, postupcima, stavu prema ženama.

PART V: Borders of the Millennium: the Present

Author(s): Elmaja Bavčić,Zlatan Delić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The initiated watering down and dissipation of women’s rights and influences achieved with women’s move from the private to public sphere during the war continued in post-socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina. Transition, re-building the country, the post-Dayton context, quotas – national, territorial and gender - democratisation and other social contracts proved to be very gendered with regard to the restructuring of women’s positions. In the processes of economic reintegration, re-articulation of labour rights and achievement of political power, women’s place and role continued to follow a retrograde trend, which started with the most recent war. The main enemies of feminism in the post-Yugoslav space were state and national ideologies, impressively parallel in their discourse, actions and position towards women.

Getting Rich as Mission

Author(s): István Csillag / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The founders of Fidesz seem to have borrowed the lines from the opening sequence of Andrzej Wajda’s 1975 film The Promised Land. The film’s protagonists,three friends who have just finished high school at the dawn of capitalism, symbolically hold hands and declare on a hill towering above the smokestacks of Łódź, notorious for its textile factories: “You have nothing and I have nothing, and we’ve got just enough to set up a factory!”This slogan has guided the activities of the Fidesz founding fathers.The dormitory residents who founded Fidesz and their family members,that is, a circle of friends (the “family”), established a series of companies in 1992 and after a few years vanished with debt owed to the state.

The Banks of the Mafia State

Author(s): Éva Várhegyi / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In its first administration, the Orbán government had already recognized the potential opportunities in the banking sector. Out of the possible ways that the government could have managed the near-bankruptcy of Postabank,one was chosen that promised to provide a financial payout as well as a political one: it dismissed the bank’s managers in the summer of 1998 and made a move for its revenue.

A korlátozott szuverenitástól a megosztott szuverenitásig

Author(s): András Balogh / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Dvadsať rokov zahraničnej politiky SR: detské choroby, zvládnutá integrácia a povstupové výzvy

Author(s): Alexander Duleba / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

Od vzniku SR v roku 1993 prevládol v súvislosti s prioritami zahraničnej politiky široký vnútorný konsenzus. Parlamentné strany, z ktorých odvtedy pozostávali vlády SR, si vo svojich vládnych programoch predsavzali stať sa partnerom vyspelých demokratických krajín a čo najskôr dosiahnuť členstvo v rozhodujúcich integračných štruktúrach západného sveta – Severoatlantickej aliancii a Európskej únii.1 V roku 1997 však boli prijaté dve dôležité rozhodnutia – v júli na madridskom samite o rozšírení NATO a v decembri na luxemburskom samite o spôsobe ďalšieho rozšírenia Únie. Slovensko sa neocitlo medzi kandidátmi na členstvo ani v jednom prípade. V roku 1997 sa skončila prvá etapa zahraničnej politiky SR. Skončila sa fiaskom z hľadiska plnenia úloh, ktorými slovenskú diplomaciu poverovali vlády a občania SR.

Vrhovni sud za Bosnu i Hercegovinu: razmišljanja o njegovoj neophodnosti

Author(s): Manfred Dauster / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Zaista je neobično da na početku analize o neophodnosti uspostavljanja jednog vrhovnog suda stoji alegorija. Ipak, može se uzeti u obzir alegorija čiji je iskaz dovoljno plastičan da bi se pokazalo kako izgleda dilema o najvišem sudu za Bosnu i Hercegovinu.

Uralkodás és emlékezet

Author(s): András Gerő / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Charles IV. as a ruler of Austro-Hungarian Empire and as a king of Hungary could not fullfill expectations concerning his reign. He could not bring the peace and he was not able to make the real and necessary poli-tical and social reforms. He tried, but he was not succesfull. His memory however is alive because the Catholic Church beatified him. His memory absolutly connected with it. In the eyes of Catholic Church he is a good man. Otherwise his memory practically does not exist.

A korlátozott terjeszkedés

Author(s): Péter Hevő / Language(s): Hungarian Publication Year: 0

Central Europe as a region played an important role in Helmut Kohl's carreer and politics. At the beginnings of his chancellorship, from 1982 he pursued Ostpolitik, a policy of detent between East and West, wich was initiated by his predecessors, Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt.

PRIRODA POLITIČKOG SISTEMA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI

Author(s): Maja Sahadžić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Od unutrašnje transformacije koju je pretrpjela Bosna i Hercegovina potpisivanjem Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma, i danas postoje različita shvaćanja unutrašnjeg/državnog uređenja i političkog sistema. Ta shvaćanja se kreću od onih prema kojima je Bosna i Hercegovina jednostavna/unitarna decentralizirana država do onih prema kojima je riječ o nekoj vrsti realne unije sa vrlo izraženim konfederalnim elementima itd. A Bosna i Hercegovina nije niti klasična federacija, jer entiteti nemaju status države, a pojam granice vezuje se za pojam države, dok se za entitete vezuje međuentitetska linija razgraničenja.

PREDSJEDNIŠTVO

Author(s): Goran Marković / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Predsjedništvo Bosne i Hercegovine je kolektivni šef države i nosilac izvršne vlasti. Princip pariteta u njegovom sastavu i široka primjena principa konsenzusa u odlučivanju obezbjeđuju zastupljenost i ravnopravnost konstitutivnih naroda. Svakom članu Predsjedništva pripada i pravo veta ukoliko smatra da je odluka štetna po vitalni interes entiteta, iako se time u stvarnosti štite vitalni nacionalni interesi. Ovakva struktura i način odlučivanja Predsjedništva su naveli pojedine autore na zaključak da je ono konfederalni organ, a Bosna i Hercegovina konfederacija, što se može osporiti argumentom da u Predsjedništvu nisu neposredno zastupljeni entiteti već konstitutivni narodi. Predsjedništvo raspolaže značajnim nadležnostima, koje ga čine potencijalno najmoćnijom političkom institucijom, pa ono predstavlja jakog šefa države u mješovitom sistemu vlasti.

As if all life had vanished... The return of Kurdish villagers to their hometowns

Author(s): Şemsa Özar / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In the early 1990s, more than a million Kurdish villagers had been forced to flee their villages in the course of the armed conflict between the Turkish security forces and the PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan – the Kurdistan Workers’ Party). The inhabitants of thousands of villages and hamlets in the Kurdish region of Turkey had been evicted by the Turkish security forces primarily to deprive the PKK guerrillas of their rural environment and support from the villagers. In the literature it is known as four cuts. It means cutting off the sources of food, funds, intelligence and recruits to the rebel armies. Numerous studies and personal accounts that take up the issue of forced migration of Kurds from a variety of perspectives have been published (TMMOB, 1998; Kurban et al., 2006; Kışanak, nd.; Dinç, 2004; Kalkınma Merkezi, 2010; Demirler & Eşsiz, 2008; Çağlayan, Özar, & Doğan, 2011; Yağız et al., 2012), but to date very little has been written about people returning to their villages (Jongerden, 2008; Göç-Der, 2013). This article aims to elucidate the return of Kurds to their homeland, to those villages they once had been brutally driven out of. On the other hand, it is a known fact that the majority of Kurds have not yet returned to their villages. Kavar people, however, after living in Istanbul for almost a decade, in a metropolis that they had no initial intention to settle, decided to go back to their homeland. I will, thus, often use quotations from face-to-face interviews conducted with the returnees in the villages of Kavar, a region in the southwest of Lake Van, Behra Wanê (Van Sea) as Kurds name it. I attempt, in this article, to disclose the ways in which the Kavar people through all these years of struggle constructed their subjectivities expanding on political and ethical imaginaries.

Negotiating identity and coping with urban space among young Kurdish migrants in Istanbul

Author(s): Karol Kaczorowski / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Many existing studies on Kurdish migration concentrate on displacement and expulsion experienced by Kurds in various parts of Kurdistan and especially between 1970 and 1999 in Turkey. However it can be observed that since the beginning of the twenty-first century migration have also played a substantial role in the mobility of Kurds, owing to stabilization in Southern Kurdistan (i.e. Autonomous Kurdistan Region in Iraq) and improvement of minority rights in Turkey due to the accession process with the EU, the economic and educational needs became more influential in the decisions of Kurdish migrants in twenty first century. To my best knowledge, it appears that there is a shortage of studies examining economic migration and new spatial movements of the Kurds in the twenty-first century Turkey.

Perspectives on communal violence against Kurds in Turkey

Author(s): İmren Borsuk / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The second half of the 2000s saw an “expedited process” for the Kurdish question in Turkey as many reforms regarding cultural and linguistic rights were put into place by the AKP (Justice and Development Party, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) government at an unprecedented speed compared to earlier governments. Moreover, the negotiations to disarm the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party, Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan), which were also unimaginable before, started in late 2012 and came to a halt after the elections on 7 June 2015. The reforms shattered the pre-existing relationship between Kurds and state authorities that viewed Kurdish identity as an existential threat to the unity of Turkish state. Ironically, the betterment of Kurdish rights coincided with the increase in communal violence incidents against Kurds. My study on communal violence against Kurds is compiled from the archives of Özgür Gündem and Dicle Haber Ajansı (Dicle News Agency) and it finds more than 600 communal violent acts against Kurds between 1999 and 2012. Communal violent acts can be described as violence in which one of the motives of mobilization is “communal” that targets the communal identity of certain persons or groups.

A Widening immigrant – native gap. Child income and poverty in Sweden among immigrants from Turkey and the surrounding region

Author(s): Björn Gustafsson,Torun Österberg / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Sweden has received immigrants from Turkey for many years. As a consequence, in 2010 there were approximately 20,000 children with a Turkish migration background have living in Sweden. That is, they are born in Sweden having at least one parent born in Sweden or are themselves born in Turkey. How is this group faring in terms of income in the households they live in? How large is relative poverty among such children? We expect to find an income gap and ask if the gap has widened over a period of one generation, and if so, we try to understand the reasons underlying such a development.

“Rewriting” Turkish-German cinema from the bottom-up: Turkish emigration cinema

Author(s): Ömer Alkin / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Films from Germany dealing with any aspect of Turkish-German migration, such as the box-office successes Fack Ju Göhte (2014) and Almanya – Welcome to Germany (2011) are often considered as “TurkishGerman cinema”. Nevertheless, what first comes to mind with this problematic term of “transnationalism” in the field of film (Higbee & Hwee, 2010) are the internationally celebrated films Head On (2004) and Edge of Heaven (2007) by Turkish-German director Fatih Akin. However, the term is to be questioned. Which parameters determine the belonging of a film to Turkish-German cinema? Is a film by a German director with Turkish migration background already a Turkish-German film due to the transcultural biographical reference of the director, even if the film does not contain any references to the social reality of Turkish migration, as it is the case in the Hollywood mystery film Premonition (2007) by director Mennan Yapo – which would be an essentialist and biologistic understanding of national cinema? For a discussion of the term it is crucial to analyse comprehensively the historical context. The fact that this does not happen becomes apparent in the marginal position of the Turkish films in the discourse regarding Turkish-German cinema. The Turkish films about emigration from the 1970’s and 80’s by Turkish directors like Serif Gören or Yavuz Figenli are not considered as a part of this transnational film history. But ‘Turkish-German film’ history has already attracted a considerable amount of academic interest (e. g. Burns, 2006, 2007, 2013, Göktürk, 2000a, 2000b, Ezli, 2009, 2010, Halft, 2011, Hake & Mennel, 2012) without really considering what the term actually refers to. I want to critique such writing because I will argue that it reproduces Eurocentrism and an epistemological one-sided-ness. Before giving arguments for a more comprehensive understanding of Turkish-German cinema, which includes Turkish emigration cinema, it is useful to understand the discussions surrounding the academic writing of the history of Turkish-German cinema first. It offers an insight into film history that can be read as a two-stage process of the appropriate representations of Turkish emigrants in Germany.

How highly skilled labour migrants deal with flexibility?

Author(s): Ulaş Sunata / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

During the last three decades, the phenomenon of flexibility has attracted a great deal of attention in sociology, not only in relation to work flexibility but also flexibility of migration. In this respect, the structural changes in both employment relationships and migratory conditions have brought about new lifestyles. The theoretical debates in the field of migration studies and human capital have often concentrated on the (changing) roles of nation-states, transnational corporations, and recruitment agencies at the macro level. Sassen (1988; 1998) observed two critical social classes and their spatial polarization in transnational migration. People from low income groups are employed in low-skilled service jobs. In contrast, there are newly emerging high income segments employed in professions. This latter group are also the “young urban professionals” (yuppies) who tend to be portrayed as enjoying affluent lifestyles (Robinson, 2009).

Cross-Border Lives in The Eyes of the Children: A Qualitative Study

Author(s): Ezgi Arslan,Tuba Yüceer Kardeş / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Civil war in the countries and forced migration of local community, adverse effects brought about by the war and adaptation problems in the countries migrated to affect physical, psychological, social, economic and cultural developments of the individuals at all ecological levels. When all such unfavorable effects are considered, the age, gender and other characteristics of an individual cause level of the impact of the migration and war on the individual to increase. The individuals who essentially need to be protected from the war and migration are the women, children and elderly people.

Peace Journalism or War Journalism: Representation of Refugees in Turkish Media

Author(s): Arda Umut Saygın / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Brutal conflicts in Middle-East and Africa has created a huge flow of migration to other countries which actually cause for Europe a serious refugee crisis since the II World War. In this process, due to its geographical region Turkey has become an important destination by refugees both for living in it and for using it as a transit point. Therefore, Turkish public is now familiar with the refugee issue because Turkey is hosting almost 3 million Syrian refugees, according to UN data (http://data.unhcr.org/ syrianrefugees/regional.php). By living in the same environment, refugees sometimes may face relatively little hostility and experience otherness in the public. On the other hand, there is also feeling in Turkish public which shows their philosophy of brotherhood that they have to accept the refugees in their lives because of the same cultural, religious and historical heritage. However, while it is possible to come across media contents about refugees almost every day, the mass media imposes a very dangerous picture about refugees. In the media, refugees mostly are seen as a problem, are shown with attention to the racist and intolerant events, and are not viewed with their painful living conditions. All these unfriendly approaches of mediaand its conflict orientation are the indicators of war journalism actually.