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U radu su obrađeni ključni aspekti ostvarivanja prava pripadnika nacionalnih manjina u Bosni i Hercegovini. Prikaz osnovnih prava nacionalnih manjina garantovanih međunarodnim dokumentima dat je u oblasti društveno-političke participacije i ostvarivanja prava na kulturnu autonomiju (pravo na njegovanje sopstvene kulture, pravo na obrazovanje, informisanje i službenu upotrebu maternjeg jezika). Iako u ovom radu nisu posebno isticani problemi nacionalnih manjina na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine, jasno je da postojeći sistem zaštite njihovih prava ostavlja prostor za dalje unapređenje.
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When talking to people from different sides of social divides, I have witnesses the fact that piety to ‘their’ victims is needed in order to establish normal relations with the living. As a child, I heard a neighbour, who lost her husband, saying that she expected the public not only to talk about fascist camps, such as Gonars to which my grandfather was taken from occupied Ljubljana in 1942, but also of prisons such as the one in which she herself was imprisoned after WWII in 1945. She wished that her suffering, from the hands of repressive institutions of that time, to be also remembered. Today we remember that some soldiers, who themselves were victims of Nazi crimes and prosecuted as partisans and communists, after the war became themselves violent prosecutors and torturers. Although emphasizing piety to all innocent victims is slowly becoming a widely accepted standard of political correctness, few countries have approached the ideal of overcoming divisions into ‘our’ and ‘their’ victims, in which conditions have been met to investigate circumstances of death and memory of all who had suffered.
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U razgovorima s ljudima s različitih strana društvenih podjela uvjerila sam se kako je za normalizaciju odnosa prema živim a neophodan pijetet prema ‘njihovim ’ žrtvama. Još u djetinjstvu čula sam od susjede koja je izgubila muža kako očekuje da se u javnosti ne govori samo o fašističkim logorima, poput Gonarsa u koji je iz okupirane Ljubljane 1942. odveden moj djed, nego i o zatvoru u kome je poslije Drugog svjetskog rata 1945. bila zatvorena i sama. Željela je da i njena patnja u rukama tadašnjih represivnih institucija ostane zapamćena. Danas pamtimo da su neki ratnici, koji su i sami bili žrtve nacističkih zločina i proganjani kao partizani i komunisti, poslije rata i sam i postali nasilni isljednici i mučitelji. Mada isticanje pijeteta prema svim nevinim žrtvama polako postaje prihvaćeni standard političke korektnosti malo se zemalja približilo idealu nadilaženjem podjela na ‘naše ’ i ‘vaše ’ žrtve u kojima su sazreli uvjeti za istraživanje okolnosti smrti i pamćenje svih stradalih.
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Neka od najtežih kršenja ljudskih prava mogu počiniti one institucije države čija je zadaća i svrha postojanja zaštita građana od nasilja i nepravdi. U pravnoj državi te institucije su, prije svega, policija i sudovi. Postupci korumpiranih policajaca i sudaca s pravom se doživljavaju kao posebno nepravedni i nemoralni. Ljudi koji su školovani i plaćeni da nepravde spriječe i ispravljaju, koriste se svojim znanjem i položajem da nepravdu ozakone i, često, da joj daju svoj doprinos. Pod korumpiranošću se obično podrazumijeva pristrano postupanje protivno pravilima i zakonima na koje se osoba javno poziva i koje je prema svom položaju dužna poštovati zato što je podmićena novcem. Osim materijalnog koristoljublja, pristrano postupanje protivno postojećim pravilima, zakonima i moralnim načelima može biti potaknuto sviješću da je takvo postupanje politički podobno, a da je ostajanje pri moralnim načelima nezdravo za karijeru. Taj oblik ‘’legalizirane korupcije’’ mnogo je opasniji jer predstavlja bolest društva, a ne samo izolirane slučajeve nepoštenih i nemoralnih pojedinaca.
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Sažeto rečeno, svrha kaznenih sankcija sastoji se od posebne i opće prevencije te od retribucije/kažnjavanja društva počinitelja kaznenih djela. U suvremenim pravnim porecima zapadnog tipa, težište se pomaknulo na preventivni element kaznenog sankcioniranja radi odvraćanja od činjenja budućih kaznenih djela i s težnjom resocijalizacije počinitelja, iako osuda i kazna ostaju sastavni dio izricanja kaznenih sankcija.
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Đurđa Gmaz rođena je 1950. godine u Sisku. Suprug joj je bio jedan od suosnivača HDZ-a u tom gradu. Od 1991. radila je u MUP-u Hrvatske. Kada je počeo rat u njezinom kraju, s obitelji je ostala u selu koje se nalazilo na crti razdvajanja sa srpskom stranom. Dana 16. srpnja 1993. godine kćer Đurđe Gmaz, koja se kupala s dvadesetak druge djece na Kupi, ubijena je rafalnim mecima koji su došli s druge strane Kupe, gdje su se nalazile srpske snage. Sin joj je tom prilikom teško ozlijeđen. Aktivna je u Udruzi civilnih žrtava stradalnika Domovinskog rata i godinama se zauzima za ostvarivanje prava civilnih žrtava rata.
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Nedostatak potpore državnih institucija, neprepoznavanje i nepriznavanje patnje žrtava seksualnog zlostavljanja u društvu te društvena stigmatizacija, često dovode do toga da same žrtve negiraju da su bile seksualno zlostavljane. U trenucima pisanja ove knjige, broj silovanih i seksualno zlostavljanih osoba na teritoriju Republike Hrvatske tijekom Domovinskog rata i dalje je nepoznat. Zabilježeno je 20-ak kaznenih predmeta za ratne zločine u kojima je dio inkriminacija bio vezan uza silovanje ili seksualno zlostavljanje. Prema navodima Državnog odvjetništva RH, Ministarstvo unutarnjih poslova utvrdilo je da postoji sumnja da su tijekom Domovinskog rata nad 182 žrtve mogli biti počinjeni ratni zločini silovanjem ili drugim oblicima seksualnog zlostavljanja. Dodatnim provjerama utvrđeno je da su neke od potencijalnih žrtava u međuvremenu preminule, neke su državnim odvjetnicima izjavile da nad njima nije bilo počinjeno silovanje niti drugi oblik seksualnog zlostavljanja koje bi bilo moguće podvesti pod neko od obilježja kaznenog djela ratnog zločina počinjenog nečovječnim postupanjem, a neke od potencijalnih žrtava otklonile su svaku mogućnost davanja iskaza. Prema evidencijama nadležnih državnih odvjetništava, ratni zločin počinjen silovanjem sigurno je počinjen na štetu samo 57 žrtava, pretežno žena. Od toga su u odnosu na 36 žrtava pokrenuti kazneni postupci koji su u različitim stadijima. Zbog kaznenog djela ratnog zločina počinjenog silovanjem osuđeno je 15 počinitelja.
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Studija slučaja „Španovica/Novo Selo/Španovica“ bavi se istraživanjem memorije o ratnim stradanjima i životu u ratu i miru u selu dvojnog imena: Španovica/Novo Selo, smještenom u blizini gradića Pakraca, tradicionalnog administrativnog i kulturnog središta zapadne Slavonije. Razdoblje koje studija obuhvaća relativno je dugo i traje od nastanka sela, 1886. unutar Austro-Ugarske Monarhije do danas. U tom razdoblju selo je prošlo kroz nekoliko masivnih povijesnih promjena: raspad Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, nastanak i nestanak tzv. prve Jugoslavije (Kraljevine Jugoslavije), kroz Drugi svjetski rat, novu socijalističku Jugoslaviju (SFRJ) i na kraju, rat u kojem se raspala i ta država. Selo je od 1991. godine u državnom kontinuitetu Republike Hrvatske.
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In the period of 2001–2017 Croatian Ottomanists (nine, but really seven more productive authors) had produced a fairly large number of innovative works dealing with Bosnia-Herzegovina, or, more precisely, the eyalet of Bosnia in the early modern period (roughly 1500–1800) which for a certain time was including about half of present-day Croatia. The parts of Croatia in the Adriatic hinterland were belonging to the Bosnian eyalet until the end of the 17th century, as well as western most part of the land between the Sava and Drava rivers, while the rest of that territory, that is, central and eastern Slavonia was attached to the new eyalet of Kanizsa in 1600, yet it had mostly remained under Bosnian control in financial matters. This was the reason why the history of the whole space was outlined as one and the same larger unit. A wide range of subjects featuring new methods, advanced and original was discussed, from social and economic issues, to religion and culture. The most interesting findings and achievements had been made in the matters of analyzing the intricacies of Ottoman taxation. It turned out that the tax assessment must not be apprehended at the first glance, but that the historian has to include the rather hardly visible practices on the ground, influenced by local realities, with a huge impact on the land regime, and even more so, on demographic estimations. Concerning the high rates of conversion to Islam, special attention was made to the hitherto neglected factor, that is, to the financial stimuli. It was found that, due to the specific situation of the economic position of the peasantry, in Bosnia, or its central parts together with northern Herzegovina, embracing Islam brought more substantial easements than in much of the rest in the Balkans. As for the military issues, ocaklık timars and autonomy fresh interpretations were also offered. To the history of towns, culture, relations between the eyalet and Dubrovnik and particularly ecohistorical subjects due respect was paid with remarkable success. Last but not least, the new reading of Evliya Çelebi’s travelogue had resulted in many new insights. Much of this work was performed in a manner like looking for a needle in a haystack, but in my opinion it was quite rewarding.
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Based on the analysis and evaluation of the characteristics of historical science in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the period considered, several important facts need to be pointed out. The aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992 had profound consequences on the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina's historiography and in its neighbourhood, and as a consequence there is an increased interest in the past and in seeking answers to current events in the past. Historical sciences have largely become an instrument of current policies, so little attention is paid to critical analyses of historical sources and their objective evaluation and interpretation. New interpretations of historical processes, while removing credible facts, have greatly influenced the formation of new approaches to historiography. Historiographic works are valued differently in Bosnia and Herzegovina, although many facts have been known before, so it is impossible to give a singular assessment of Bosnia and Herzegovina's historiography which considers the period of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Detailed insight into the structure of published historiographical works in Bosnia and Herzegovina shows that the treatment of certain aspects of Bosnia and Herzegovina's past is dominated by discussions, articles and short stories of unequal quality and scientific scope, as well as the lack of extensive, scientifically based studies, which are a prerequisite for the creation of historiographic syntheses. Although significant results have been achieved in Bosnian-Herzegovinian historiography in the study of political, economic and cultural developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian period, there are several issues that have been neglected in historical science: the writing of a voluminous history of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the publication of source material of different provenance and thematic representation, study of population migration from 1878 to 1918, consideration of the economy and society of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian rule of 1878-1918, review of socio-economic trends during the First World War, as well as depictions of Bosnia and Herzegovina in world travel literature.
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Ni nakon više od dvije decenije u Srebrenici, ali manje-više i u svim povratničkim mjestima, ne samo da nije izrađen i primijenjen održivi model ekonomskog oporavka i razvoja već je ostao nerazjašnjen sam koncept postratni/genocidni ekonomskog oporavka. I pored zvanično promoviranog i izdašno donacijski podržanog procesa ekonomske obnove, na sceni su krajnje nepovoljna demografska, socijalna i ekonomska kretanja u ukupnom postratnom periodu. Naravno da se zbog toga otvaraju brojna pitanja ovakvog neuspjeha – od ponovnog preispitivanja samog pojma ekonomske obnove do niza „nenaučenih lekcija” iz dvadesetogodišnjeg procesa ekonomske obnove u ovoj općini.
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Općina Srebrenica nalazi se u istočnom dijelu Bosne i Hercegovine. Graniči s općinama: Bratunac na sjeveru i sjeveroistoku, Višegrad i Rogatica na jugozapadu, općinom Milići (dio bivše općine Vlasenica) na zapadu, a na jugu granica ide rijekom Drinom u dužini od 40 km koja je i međunarodna granica između Bosne i Hercegovine i Republike Srbije. Površina teritorije općine Srebrenica je 529,83 km2. Prema popisu stanovništva 1991. godine na prostoru općine Srebrenice živjelo je ukupno 36.666 stanovnika ili 0,84% od ukupnog stanovništva Bosne i Hercegovine. Bošnjaka je bilo 27.572 ili 75,20%, Srba 8.315 ili 22,70% i ostalih 779 ili 2,12%1. Gustina naseljenosti u općini iznosila je 69,6 st/km2 (u Bosni i Hercegovini 85,6 st/km2). U političko-administrativnom pogledu 1991. godine Srebrenica je imala 19 mjesnih zajednica u kojima se nalazilo 80 naselja od kojih je jedno pripadalo gradskom, a 79 seoskom tipu naselja. Prema prirodnom priraštaju koji je iznosio 13,2‰ 1991. godine, općina Srebrenica bila je na petom mjestu u Bosni i Hercegovini i to poslije općina Žepče, Velika Kladuša, Živinice i Kalesija. U periodu 1992‒1995. godine na području općine Srebrenica, kao i na prostoru cijele Bosne i Hercegovine, dogodile su se krupne demografske promjene. Masovni zločini koje su nad nedužnim bošnjačkim stanovništ-vom vršile tzv. Vojska RS i policija RS, pod vojnom komandom ratnog zločinca Ratka Mladića i političke direktive ratnog zločinca Radova-na Karadžića, dostigle su vrhunac u općini Srebrenica kada su srpske oružane formacije okupirale “sigurnu zonu UN-a” Srebrenicu, jula 1995. godine, i počinile genocid nad nedužnim bošnjačkim stanovništvom.
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In the 16th century, the death of a ruler was not only a historical fact and a political event, but it also resonated in literature and art. After the death of Sigismund Augustus, however, not many artistic works were created. Among the literary testimonies, a large part are Latin works. The article discusses first the tombstone inscription and the plaques from the sarcophagus and the coffin, then Andrzej Trzecieski’s works written after the king’s death, and finally, it focuses on Latin poems included in the volume In funere Sigismundi Augusti regis Poloniae celebrato Neapoli [...] oratio atque praestantium virorum poemata [1576]. The analysis of the aforementioned texts allowed to distinguish common features of funeral Latin poetry and Renaissance humanistic biography.
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The article is an attempt to answer the question raised in the title. Its starting point is the marginal note in the autobiography of Maciej Stryjkowski. Enumerating his early works, the chronicler mentioned writing poems commemorating the last Jagiellonian. He called the poems “the threnodies about the death of the king Sigismund Augustus”. Contemporary bibliographies consider the work lost or question truthfulness of Stryjkowski’s declaration. The author of the article reconstructs the history of the unknown funeralium, using methods of philological and typographic analysis, assesses literary competences of the poet and points to the large fragment of his other work as a relic of the lost “Threnodies”. The almost 100-verse fragment of Goniec Cnoty has been juxtaposed with its historical-literary background. It consists of the epitaph for the hetman Chodkiewicz, written by Stryjkowski shortly after 1572, and native poems commemorating the last Jagiellonian dynasts. That work differs definitely from the 16th century Latin humanistic poetry, based on ancient genres and content themes. Specific characteristics of Polish commemorative poems can be indicated in the part of Goniec Cnoty dedicated to Sigismund Augustus, in which the king’s biography intertwines with praise of his achievements, prayer and thought of impermanent greatness of the Earth’s powers. The conclusion of the article contains a thesis identifying that fragment as the remnant of a today unknown Stryjkowski’s funeral work.
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The Radziwiłłs from Birże commemorated their relative Barbara and her second husband, the king Sigismund II Augustus in the 17th century. The paper discusses literary works from that time that both referred to this marriage and emphasized the honour of the whole Lithuanian family closely related to the Jagiellonian dynasty resulting from this relationship. Walerian Gorzycki, Filip Bajewski, Samuel Dowgird from Pogowie were the authors who mentioned Barbara Radziwiłł in their laudatory verses devoted to the prince Krzysztof Radziwiłł and his son Janusz. Salomon Rysiński wrote an entire chapter about her, which was published in his biographical book concerning the Radziwiłłs. Moreover, the queen was mentioned in Augustyn Wituński’s sermon delivered at the funeral of Katarzyna, the first wife of Janusz Radziwiłł. In the dedication to "The Gdańsk Bible" [pol. "Biblia gdańska"], the prince Krzysztof Radziwiłł, a patron of Protestants in Lithuania and the author of that introductory text, described his ancestor who offered the earlier translation of the Bible to the king Sigismund II Augustus. Furthermore, at the end of the 17th century the author of "The Life of Bogusław Radziwiłł" [pol. "Żywot [...] Bogusława Radziwiłła"] wrote briefly about close ties of some of the Radziwiłłs – Mikołaj Czarny and Mikołaj Rudy – with the royal court. All these laudatory and epistolary writings portray the king and his wife very favourably as their authors tried to prove the importance of the Radziwiłłs and to counteract a black legend of the most infamous daughter of this family.
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The aim of the study is to reconstruct the image of the reign of Sigismund Augustus in Polish literature from the second half of the 16th century to the end of the first half of the 17th century. The viewing includes works representing various genres: epigram, chronicle, life, biography, sermon, apology, epic, and formally diverse occasional poetry. It is not, however, about capturing the relationship between the genre and the image of the ruler, but about the process of forming an opinion about the king’s times and achievements, as well as his personal life. The subject of the discussion are works by, among others, Mikołaj Rej, Krzysztof Warszewicki, Łukasz Górnicki, Stanisław Grochowski, Krzysztof Okuń, Joachim Bielski, Aleksander Gwagnin, Marcin Paszkowski, Andrzej Zbylitowski, Samuel Twardowski, Jan Bielski. The times of Sigismund Augustus began to be identified with the golden age, because there was peace in the Crown, the army leaders demonstrated their effectiveness on the battlefields, the conclusion of a union between the Crown and Lithuania, and the introduction of modern system solutions were appreciated. The king was rebuked for his dissolute life, lack of male heir, and indecisiveness.
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The tragedy Zygmunt August (Sigismund Augustus), written at the turn of 1779 and 1780, was the playwriting debut of Józef Wybicki. In accordance with the Enlightenment tendencies, the author inscribed it in the trend of instructive modernization of national history, at the same time offering a critical analysis of the country’s weakness, and exposing the role that King Sigismund II Augustus played in it. The action of the piece focuses on the dispute between the ruler and the Sejm over the recognition of his marriage with Barbara Radziwiłłówna. The anti-royal opposition, led by Piotr Kmita, accused the king of tyranny, lack of respect for freedom and Catholic faith, and, eventually, took up arms. In this conflict, Wybicki pictures the monarch as full of Enlightenment ideals. This is not, however, an image of the real Sigismund II Augustus, but of the kind of a king the author would like to see. It is rather a figure, in which all virtues are concentrated: graciousness, goodness, wisdom, fortitude, justice, fidelity, tolerance, etc. The ruler does not embody the qualities of his enemies, such as: pride, greed, jealousy, betrayal, fanaticism. King Sigismund II Augustus, subjected here to Wybicki’s dramatic imagination, is thus mythologized.
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The article is an attempt at reading "Śpiewy historyczne" ("Historical Songs") by Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz (1816), focused on reading basic historical meanings designed for this cycle by the Warsaw Society of Friends of Learning. Disputing the dominant view on the role of pre-romantic historiosophy in shaping the meaning of the cycle, the author presents three issues. Firstly, Historical Songs is a highly diversified structure; the book consists of 33 lyrical pieces interspersed with historical commentaries in prose. In these historical additions Niemcewicz reveals himself as well-read in the oldest medieval, Renaissance and Enlightenment sources. Above all, he takes great care in using them in a sense consistent with the views of the post-partition heirs of the historical thought of the time of Stanisław August (King of Poland 1764–1795). This observation definitely diminishes the dominant role of the alleged Romantic thought and historiosophy of the 19th century. This is followed by the poem Zygmunt August and Niemcewicz’s commentary. This work – inspired probably by a poem by Jan Kochanowski – has a special place in the cycle. It updates issues close to the Renaissance poet, and at the same time refers to the main problems of Polish historiography emerging in the second half of the 18th century, especially under the influence of Adam Naruszewicz’s The History of the Polish Nation. This judgment is reinforced by reading the historical prose study in Niemcewicz’s "Historical Songs". At the end of the author attempts to present the collection as a component of the Enlightenment historical criticism, inspired mainly by printed sources, and less so by the thinking dominated by the 19th century philosophy of history.
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