The Local Welfare System – Childcare for Pre-school Children

Author(s): Martina Kampichler / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In this chapter, we take a look at the development of parental leave and childcare policies in Czechoslovakia under communist rule, present the changes after 1989 in these areas as well as the current situation, with a special focus on Brno. Additionally to the policy context, the chapter presents information on the coverage of childcare services in Brno and discusses their quality, affordability, accessibility and financing. For this purpose, we draw on available statistics and literature, on key policy documents as well as on our interviews with Brno city administration representatives, relevant to the topic. Hence, this chapter aims to provide an overview of the current situation of childcare policies and services in Brno, together with their evaluation from the point of view of their potential support for women’s participation on the labour market as well as to introduce the context for the decision making of women with pre-school children living in Brno, which will be analysed in Chapter 5.

The Local Welfare System – Elder Care

Author(s): Martina Kampichler,Miroslava Janoušková / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

In this chapter, we examine the development of elder care policies and services in Czechoslovakia under communist rule. We present the changes after 1989 as well as the current situation in these areas, with a special focus on Brno. This chapter also presents information on the coverage of elder care services in Brno and discusses their quality, affordability, accessibility and financing. For this purpose, we draw on available statistics and literature, on key policy documents as well as on our interviews with pertinent Brno city administration representatives. This chapter aims at providing an overview of current elder care policies and services in Brno, as well as an evaluating of how they potentially influence women’s labour market participation. Hence, we will introduce the context in which women livingin Brno who have an elderly dependent make decisions regarding their work and caring responsibilities. This will be analysed in Chapter 6.

DIFFERENT CONFESSIONS, SAME SINS? VÁCLAV HAVEL AND VÁCLAV KLAUS AS CZECH PRESIDENTS

Author(s): Lubomír Kopeček,Josef Mlejnek / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The first direct elections for Czech president in January 2013 were accompanied by a major wave of public interest, as well as some remarkable moments. One of them was a debate that unfolded after the victory of the left-wing candidate Miloš Zeman, over whether the president is able to remove the premier of an unpopular center right government. The idea was encouraged by one of the winner’s main campaign slogans: “Stop this Government!” The Czech constitutionsays that the president “names and removes the premier and other members of the government” (Article 62).

Summaries

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Summaries

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Zdeněk Nejedlý, komunismus a problém „zrady vzdělanců“

Author(s): Jiří Křesťan / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The case of Zdeněk Nejedlý is a proof that inclination of intellectuals and artists to the communist party was not an uniform and simple process that could be expressed by a simple slogan like “betrayal of scholars”. Since the 1930s was the communist party able to intrigue a wider spectrum of citizens and the Second World War put a stress on the words about “defence of the nation” and united communists and non-communists. Communists gained a lot of credit and respect during the war against fascism and Soviet Union also benefited from this fact. Moreover the Stalinism found another boost in Czech countries. The plebeian democracy, inclination to equalitarianism, respect for authority, looking for foreign support and relying upon it, establishing national unity through repudiation of “enemies” – all these factors existed in Czech political thinking and vibrated with the voices of Stalinist bolshevism. The Nejedlý 1946 idea describing the communists as the followers of the best traditions of the Czech nation came out of his older thoughts about the necessity of socialist outcome of the course of the Czech history. In 1920s and 1930s Nejedlý maintained contacts with various socialist movements. He had objections towards the communist party and did not become its member until 1939 in Moscow. Until the fifties he described the communist program as a climax of the Masaryks program. The Nejedlý’s admiration of 19th century classics, of Palacký, Havlíček or Masaryk and acceptance of interwar avantgarde were to a certain extent an obstruction to rampaging radicals attempting to repudiate pre-revolution culture. He opposed the sovietisation of education in Czechoslovakia and prior to the passing of the education reform in 1953 he had to be dismissed from the office of the minister of education.

Stranický historik ve víru stranických dějin Pavel Reiman a jeho kariéra v KSČ

Author(s): David Kovařík / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The study analyses the life story of a top member of the KSČ Pavel Reiman in the almost half century long party career. It describes the time from his admission to communist organisation at the beginning of the 1920s till his exclusion from party in the time of first normalization purges in KSČ at the beginning of normalization. Reiman belonged to educated group and intelligence of the communist party – that influenced also the course of his career in politics and party, mainly in the section for culture in the secretariat of KSČ. Later he worked in the Institute of KSČ history, where he took part in creating the official party historiography. In the beginning of his party career Reiman exhibited allegiance to Bolshevik and Stalinist stream, but at the beginning of the 1950s, when the Stalinist era culminated, he was pushed away from position of power, which led at first to his inclination to the reform communism and eventually his final break up with communism. The study also analyses an important social and national factor, which influenced the whole Reiman’s party career. Reiman rose from German speaking Jewish intelligence. It had a deep impact on Reiman’s life, particularly in turbulent times from 1930s till 1950s. He involved himself in problems of nationhood, in German and Jewish question. As a German party member he had to put up with deviation of the party from an international conception to nationalization and to reduction of the influence of the German members. At the beginning of the fifties he had to face the antisemitism in KSČ as a member of a Jewish descent. He was also dragged as a witness into fabricated “anti-jewish” political process. Before the Second World War he managed to get into a conflict with the party leadership over ideology issues (case Fried, Guttmann’s affair), and after the war he came to grips with the Czechoslovak writers with his almost fanatical approach to the “purification” of the Czech literature. The study takes notice also of the role of Pavel Reiman as a party historian, author of two monographs about KSČ history, literary scholar and Germanist, who for instance helped to organize the Kafka conference in 1963.

Komunistický intelektuál Ladislav Novomeský

Author(s): Ján Gavura / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

The life story of Ladislav Novomeský, Slovakian poet, Czech-Slovak journalist and a politician has been for a long time an object of interest of literature researchers, historians and journalists. This study analyses the milestones of Novomeský life journey and work and also describes some of the breaking points which are the product of individual-society interaction. The author calls attention to humanistic motives in Novomeský thoughts and work that after 1948 got him in some issues in conflict with various tendencies of the KSČ, the power in control of the whole society. J. Gavura makes an effort to describe a gradual change in the relationship between loyal communist “idealist” and course of history, which brought fame and success for Novomeský, but also ostracizing, prison and abuse of his name.

Case Study: Estonia. Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, World War II and Soviet Legacy

Author(s): Vladimir Sazonov / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

History can be used as a tool of influence as was highlighted in Annual Review 2014 of Estonian Internal Security Service; “historical propaganda plays a key role in justifying the actions and conquests of Russia’s aggressive foreign policy”. Russia has its own historical policy, which the Kremlin uses for achieving its goals. Various methods of using and (re)-interpreting or manipulation(s) historical facts and narratives are not a new phenomenon in the modern world, but in the 21st century they have become more significant in influencing target audiences. Several modern pro-Kremlin oriented Russian historians and even politicians are manipulating historical facts.

RELAȚII DE GEN ȘI COMUNICARE INTERPERSONALĂ ÎN PERIOADA COMUNISTĂ

Author(s): Alina Ilinca,Liviu-Marius Bejenaru / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Interpersonal communication is one of the indispensable conditions for the functioning and organization of society, as the individual is a social being and relates to the other insofar as he communicates with it. Gender relations play an important role in interpersonal communication. Gender relations means the sum of conceptions, elaborated socially and culturally, regarding the man/woman difference, the power and inequality that structure the reproduction of these differences in the institutionalized practices of society. The notion of gender varies from a historical point of view and is one of the ways in which states are imagined, constituted and legitimized, because gender instincts can be partially explained in political terms, thus there are male and female cultures, as well as a difficulty of communication between representatives of different cultures.

„DEZVOLTAREA MULTILATERALĂ” ȘI „FORMAREA OMULUI NOU” ÎN ROMÂNIA SOCIALISTĂ

Author(s): Alina Ilinca,Liviu-Marius Bejenaru / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

"For someone to acquire skill and ability in a particular branch of activity, thus becoming a labor force" – said Karl Marx in Capital – "education is necessary", adding that the communist order will ensure favorable social conditions for the individual qualities of to every man not to be stifled, but to be revealed and developed through education. The expression "multilateral development", applied to both the individual and society, has become one of the most common in Marxist pedagogy or Marxist-inspired theory. The communication aims to present the "multilateral development" and "formation of the new man" during the regime of Nicolae Ceausescu, being composed of two parts. In the first part, the communication will deal with the Marxist-Leninist conception of multilateral education, which was necessary and possible in mass proportion only in the conditions of socialist and communist society. The second part will contain the conception of the Romanian Communist Party about the "multilaterally developed socialist society" and the "multilaterally developed personality" which was to be characterized by "creative spirit and the tendency towards self-improvement and self-improvement". The conclusions will aim at the fact that, in the case of communist regimes, "multilateral development" was only an ideological fiction, because, unlike the liberal regimes, in which education means emancipation and permanent creation, communist education was organized to ensure the strength of work distributed according to socialist planning, the regime emphasizing social and cultural homogenization, in order to create a "working class culture".

WHY DO POLITICAL ELITES FRACTURE? THE UNUSUAL CASE OF THE YUGOSLAV COMMUNIST ELITE

Author(s): Sergej Flere / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

One is on slippery grounds attempting to study closely societal elites in manner to coincide with the elementary meaning of the term. Classical thinkers, Pareto and Mosca, with daring analyses, remain cited today (see, for example, Dogan 2003; Burton – Higley 2001; Best – Higley 2010: 1), although the formers’ constructs were hardly based on empirical findings, but were primarily the product of their “sociological imagination”. Hence, the troubles confronted at analysing the elite are illustrated by Giddens (1974: 2): “there can exist a ‘governing class’ without necessarily being a ‘ruling class’; there can exist a ‘power elite’ without necessarily being either a ‘ruling’ or a ‘governing class’” and he continues to denote terms which do not coincide in depiction of power elites. As to the “doctrine”, elites invoke, not only for the “ideocratic ones”, but in general, Burton and Higley (2001: 186) hold a Paretian view: “Doctrinal unanimity is always more apparent than real.” They also do not propose an operative definition of political elite’s structure: “Political elites are somewhat elastic formations with unclear boundaries” (2001: 182). This complements the words of Mattei Dogan, another authoritative source on elites, who wrote: “Elite studies seem to be shut to a conceptual Tower of Babel, where scholars gamble with non-specified words” (Dogan 2003: 6).

DVA VIDA POETIKE IZETA SARAJLIĆA (1930-2002)

Author(s): Hanifa Kapidžić-Osmanagić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Danas i ovdje, ponovo se sa pijetetom i zadovoljstvom susrećemo sa poezijom jednog od najpoznatijih bosanskohercegovačkih pjesnika druge polovine 20. vijeka, koji nas je napustio početkom novog milenija, 2002. godine. Već do rata 1992. objavio je tridesetak knjiga poezije, koja se, naročito u svom prvom dijelu, odlikuje odlučnošću da se prekine sa poetikom tzv. socijalističkog reali - zma, prvenstveno stvaranjem i oblikovanjem nove poetske osjećajnosti, one koja će se odredbeno razlikovati od prethodnih, kako od ove zadato angažovane tako i od svih ranijih apstraktnih stereotipa senzibilnosti. Ovu poeziju, uglavnom slobodnog stiha i prividne srodnosti sa prozom, eksplicitno označava odlučna vizija budućnosti, dok stvaraoca, u svemu što čini u vlastitom životu jednako kao u onome što pjesnički uočava, prerađuje i pušta u svijet, označava buntovništvo, koje je i lično i usklađeno s vremenom. Samospoznajno, Sarajlić sebe višestruko definiše i kao pripadnika avangarde i kao novog trubadura. Buntovnik smatra da slijedi revoluciju na svim planovima, koje uvijek treba voditi dalje. Stoga je neupitna pjesnikova potreba da iskaže svoje “...gorko pravo/ da ne spava(m) kad svijetu prijete kuga ili rat” – i da svoje apriorno angažovanje proširi na plan cijelog svijeta (“Sarajevo”). Njegov konačni i neizmjenjivi antifašizam ponekad je u stihu imenovan i kao “komunizam”, a najpoznatija je komparacija “crven kao komunizam” (iz pjesme “Rođeni dvadeset treće, strijeljani četrdeset druge”) koja stavlja ideološku viziju u službu gorućih mladalačkih želja u ratu masakrirane generacije Sarajlićevog starijeg brata. Ali Sarajlić je pobunjenik protiv svih vrsta tzv. struktura konkretnog života, koje iziskuju i vrednuju poslušnost iznad traganja za novim idejama i novim oblicima življenja. Čitav život Kike Sarajlića obilježen je kažnjavanjem i izbacivanjem, od kulturno-umjetničkog društva do Saveza komunista.

IZET SARAJLIĆ - “DAR I BOL GOVOREĆEG SUBJEKTA”

Author(s): Damir Arsenijević / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Prije nekoliko noći u Sarajevu je grupa od 10-15 mlađih muškaraca mučki napala gej i lezbijske aktivistice i aktiviste dok su hodajući ulicom pjevali “Ay Carmela”. Skandirali su: “Ubij pedere!” i “Pola stranci, pola pederi!”1 Napad je bio mučki jer je bio kukavički, pod okriljem mraka, kako samo fašizam umije da tuče. Na napad je policija, oglušujući se na pet telefonskih poziva, odgovorila, najblaže rečeno, ambivalencijom. Čuvari ispred Pred sjed ništva pobjegli su u sljepilo i nijemost pred nasiljem. Da je Izet Sarajlić kojim slučajem živ, volio bih vjerovati da bi mu ovakav upad fašističke i ksenofobne realnosti bio štof za pjesmu – trenutak u kojem u pjesmu “nahrupi život/ stihovi i bez autorovog uplitanja/ postaju poezija”. Vjerujem da bi se okomio i na “teoriju distance” po kojoj bi bilo prekasno govoriti u utorak o stvarima koje su se desile u ponedjeljak. Izet Sarajlić, moja je teza, stoji za dvije najvrjednije stvari u bosanskohercegovačkoj književnosti: antirasizam i žensko pismo. U dominantnoj antikomunističkoj narkozi i revizionizmu, kada svjedočimo rasparčavanju društvenosti tijela u javnom prostoru i uvođenju terora kao svakodnevne prakse, Sarajlića vrijedi konstantno čitati kao nekoga ko stoji iza jedne vrste humanije društvenosti iz perspektive ženskog pisma i antirasizma.

KOMÜNIST ARNAVUTLUK’TAKI OSMANLI ÇALIŞMALARI: SELAMI PULAHA (1938-1991)

Author(s): Dritan Egro / Language(s): Turkish Publication Year: 0

Prof. Selami Pulaha jedan je od rijetkih albanskih osmanista koji je međunarodno priznat. Uprkos tome što je djelovao u komunističkom periodu, nastojao je naučnom svijetu predstaviti svoja istraživanja na polju osmanistike, kao i dokumentarne izvore koji se čuvaju u Albaniji. Selami Pulaha historičar je koji se nije usudio izaći izvan “željezne zavjese”. Ostajući “unutra”, ulagao je ozbiljne napore u bavljenje naukom. Zbog toga što je Pulaha najautoritativniji albanski historičar na polju osmanistike, ocjene koje koje je iznio o Osmanskom carstvu su izuzetno značajne, kako s naučnog, tako i s metodološkog aspekta. Prema njegovom mišljenju, osmanski period okončao je na albanskim teritorijama procese koji su bili u toku; dugo je trajao te ga nije moguće tumačiti samo kao jednu nazadnu epizodu, već kao razdoblje u kojem se odigrao niz korjenitih i složenih procesa.

ZAVNOBIH KAO HISTORIJSKI ODGOVOR NA VELIKODRŽAVNE POLITIKE PODJELE I UNIŠTENJA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE

Author(s): Denis Bećirović / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Along with the formation of the Kingdom of SHS, the policy of denying the historical specialties and integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued in the new state legal framework and changed historical circumstances. By introducing the “Six days of January” dictatorship in 1929, the policy of decommissioning of the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina was formalized and the culmination of the denial of the historical, state-legal and political-territorial entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina occurred through the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement in 1939. The denial and destruction policy of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued to carry out the Ustasa and Chetnik movements in the Second World War. The common position of the protagonists of the Greater Serbia and Croatian politics in the interwar and war period was a sharp opposition to any idea that envisioned a territorially integrated and autonomous Bosnia and Herzegovina. Criminal ideologies and the policies of destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina were opposed by anti-fascists from all the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the ZAVNOBiH sessions, they restored Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood and created joint federal units with joint forces, which became part of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia in the second session of the AVNOJ with the political will of the Bosnian delegates. The decisions of the ZAVNOBiH constituted a historical negation of the great state policies of the division and destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They made possible the resurgence of the former Bosnian state and provided it with the necessary state-legal and political elements for its renewed existence after the collapse of the medieval Bosnian state in 1463. In short, the anti-fascist forces restored the territorial integrity and statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the ZAVNOBiH sessions. By adopting the first Constitution after the end of the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina defined its internal organization, the highest legal act, in accordance with the political and economic conditions at that time. It is defined as the nation’s republican state which had sovereign rights and statehood. By the adoption of the first post-war constitution of the People’s Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the construction of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina was completed.

NA PUTU OD AVNOJ-A DO ZAVNOBIH-a, HISTORIJSKA MJESTA I DINAMIKA SJEĆANJA

Author(s): Jasna Pašić / Language(s): Croatian Publication Year: 0

The historical decisions made at the assembly of AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH, regardless of the socio-political context of their interpretation, represent permanent values of anti-fascist voices from Bosnia and Herzegovina at the midst of World War II. These were the steps that preserved the inner being of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the connection of its all centuries old symbols. The dynamics of memories and public perception of significant dates have been altered due to changes in the value of the political framework in the socialist and post-socialist period. In the case of AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH, different treatment of events can be seen related to state holidays. The Yugoslav culture of memory included all segments of society, in order to shape the formative forces of the desired articulation of remembrance. The historical places are shaped in places of memory, in which deep symbolic connections. Such is an example can be followed Bihać, Mrkonjić-Grad and Jajce, as well as the events which have been organized for the purpouse of among anniversaries in these cities. State holidays and commemorative dates were in the crisis during the time dissolution of Yugoslavia and in clash of overall legacy of communism. In the period of democratic changes, the coarse selection, partial or complete rejection and denial has occurred. AVNOJ’s current socio-political context has become completely useless, while ZAVNOBIH has been perceived in three ways in the 1990s in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The ethnic divisions after the Dayton Peace Agreement have resulted in the relativization and denial of anti-fascist legacy and the identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The public monuments and spaces related to this were abused in order to deepen the national divisions and disrupt the idea of equality of citizens and nations, which was achieved 75 years ago. In this case, it is not just about transforming memories, but about undermining universal civilizational values in order to strengthen nationalisms. Such a relationship to the AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH and their significance for Bosnia and Herzegovina points to a serious crisis of democratic values.

Church and Change with a Special Focus on the Romanian Institutional Ecclesiology

Author(s): Dan Sandu / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Pre present context views the Church as a construct of human mind, promoting religiosity and a certain ritual (mostly needed by the people with no reference to a living God) whose main role is to provide social services in a given society, or, in a more plastic exposure, "the club of Christ". And this is in general accurate given that she passed through history making use of the same means and instruments of any human organisation. Her transcendent dimension was entrusted to the mystical minds and liturgists who defined her as a boat of salvation and the foretasting of the Kingdom. Is such an institution subject to change? If yes, what can be changed and when, in what extent and for what length? The study aims at a few attempts to accept change as a form of subsistence. The faithful have their own expectations from the main Church, the experiences of the Romanian Church members abroad bring new challenges facing this conservative institution. One cannot speak of real change, but rather an adaptation to the new context where the mythical approach of religion leaves more room for the rational approach and even to the pluralistic one. This is presented as the normal evolution of the future religion which expects to be more spiritual than institutional, in line with the new discoveries of neuroscience, evolution and hard sciences, towards an integral (even super-integral) approach.

Gustul amar al libertății

Author(s): Adam Krzemiński,Adam Michnik,Jürgen Habermas / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Interview with Jurgen Habermas and Adam Michnik by Adam Krzeminsk.

Europa și cortina de fier

Author(s): Mircea Eliade / Language(s): Romanian Publication Year: 0

Nimic mai supărător decît provincialismul marilor culturi. „Comment peut-on être Persan?” este o exclamație tipică a provincialului blazat de apartenența sa la o Mare Cultură. Există și astăzi occidentali cumsecade pentru care Europa se oprește la Rin sau cel mult la Viena. Geografia lor este prin excelență sentimentală ; pînă la Viena au ajuns ei în călătoriile lor de nuntă. Mai departe începe o lume stranie, uneori agreabilă, dar nesigură ; puriștii aceștia sînt ispitiți să descopere sub pielea rusului faimosul tătar de care li s-a vorbit la școală. în ceea ce-i privește pe balcanici, cu ei începe, li se pare, inextricabilul ocean etnic al indigenilor, care se prelungește pînă la Australia...