Mednarodna znanstvena konferenca: Revizija prošlosti na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije
Mednarodna znanstvena konferenca: Revizija prošlosti na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije, Sarajevo, 3. - 4. november 2006
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Mednarodna znanstvena konferenca: Revizija prošlosti na prostorima bivše Jugoslavije, Sarajevo, 3. - 4. november 2006
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Josip Gunčević, PhD, one of the most distinguished citizens of Brod na Savi, a cleric and a pedagogue, was brutally murdered by partisans in Macelj forest in 1945 without being trialled. Throughout the whole period of Communist Yugoslavia there is almost no trace of his work and social engagement. The sporadic mention of Gunčević is ideologically contextualized in a negative way, without any scientific research or valorisation. The paper seeks to show the overall work of Gunčević that is known so far, on the humanisation of society according to the Christian system of values in which he believed uncompromisingly and for which he was ultimately killed. The authors show that after the establishment of the contemporary Republic of Croatia, the ideas of Josip Gunčević occupied partly once again the interest of primarily the Catholic, and then of the general public. Recently, after being subjected to serious scientific criticism, Gunčević's work presents a range of values for pedagogy, history of culture and the history of ideas in general. The authors, based on the presented research, show that it is necessary to continue working on the valorisation of Josip Gunčević's legacy and to determine his real contribution to Croatian science and culture.
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The article follows the change in the narrative about World War II in Bulgarian historiography after the changes in Eastern Europe from the late 1980s to the early 1990s. Without denying the great importance of the collapse of communism and the world socialist system that led to the disappearance of the leading role of the ideological postulates of Marxism-Leninism and of Soviet historical science in the study of the historical process in the Eastern Bloc countries, the authors express the view that these changes should be seen in the context of the processes of re-evaluation of the past, not only in the eastern but also in the western regions of Europe, as well as in other parts of the world. The results of the analysis show that the Bulgarian historical science follows the tendencies typical of the Eastern European historiography as a whole: rejection of theses imposed by Soviet science; intensive study and publication of sources – archival documents, ego-documents (diaries and memoirs of political, economic, public and other figures, immediate participants in events); a change in publishing policy regarding both Bulgarian and translated literature. This change is reflected both in the nature of the published sources and the presented themes (the prevailing attention to the activities of the Communist Party, to the partisan movement and to antifascism in general gives way to new characters, events and processes – the Holocaust and the fate of the Jews in Bulgaria; the foreign policy of the country and the development of separate bilateral relations; economic development; Bulgarian politics in the so-called newly-annexed lands; the Bulgarian emigrant national government and others), as well as in the increased presence of works of Anglo-Saxon origin – political, memoir, review and documentary writings about the war, at the expense of a sharp decrease in the translation of Russian literature, limited to the publication mainly of works of the so-called revisionists. At the same time it is noteworthy that regardless of the positive change in the conditions for research – wide access to documents, excellent publishing opportunities – the topic cannot boast a high degree of development, as can other topics such as the national liberation movement during the National Revival, the church question, the guerrilla movement or the Macedonian issue. Apart from this, Bulgarian historiography is significantly lagging behind the debates and the interest in the subject, characteristic of the other historiographies of the countries of Eastern Europe and the European Southeast. This is probably one of the reasons for the scant presence of Bulgarian issues in the foreign historiography dedicated to the problems of the Second World War.
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The term ‘historical revisionism’ appeared in Croatia at the beginning of the 21st century. The term ‘revisionism’ in communist Yugoslavia fell exclusively within the sphere of Marxism and signified a standpoint that advocated abandonment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and an acceptance of the rules of parliamentary democratic struggle. The term ‘historical revisionism’ appeared in the Goldstein family circle in 2001. A key role in this was played by publisher, writer, and influential political activist Slavko Goldstein. The term was then systematically exploited by his son, the historian Ivo Goldstein, and is today very common among the left and far-left wing of Croatian society. In 2001, S. Goldstein claimed that revisionism in Croatia had appeared in 1989–90 ‘as a historiographical retardation and socio-political anomaly. In contrast to Western countries, it was tolerated and encouraged by the country’s new political leadership from 1990 on, and partially adopted into its political programme. Its general characteristic and basic starting point is – fetishisation of the state and fetishisation of the Croatian state-building idea!’ With strong media support and political backing, S. Goldstein managed to turn something nonsensical into a question of ‘vital importance’. Calling someone out for revisionism in science, and therefore historiography, is absurd, because ‘any statement becomes outdated and eventually needs revising’. Calling out for historical revisionism therefore aims to thwart any attempt to question the image of World War II that was created in communist Yugoslavia before 1990, and dissuade potential researchers. The question of whether scholars are ‘revisers’ or ‘revisionists’ is therefore a waste of time.
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Bessarabian scholar Alexandru Boldur is a remarkable personality of Romanian historiography. His works, mainly dedicated to the study of Bessarabian history, provide the audience with truthful pieces of information collected by the author from various documents, libraries and archives. Alexandru Boldur managed to make an impression with his hard work determination until late in his lifetime, through his power to overcome life’s hindrances, his devotion to the Romanian nation, and especially the vastness of his works.It is our belief that studying Alexandru Boldur’s works is necessary for an accurate comprehension of the reality lived by our people and for We consider that studying the works of Alexandru Boldur is a necessity in discovering the reality lived by the people we are a part of and for revealing the historical truth.
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The article deals with the propaganda of Bulgaria and Serbia during the dispute about the future of Macedonia during the Balkan wars of 1912–1913 and is based on the press, archival documents and memories. Used and unused Bulgarian channels of influence are demonstrated, Serbian propaganda and propagandists are shown. The arguments of the parties and the course of public discussion are given.
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The article explores the way of conceptualizing Decembrism in the Soviet historiography of the mid-1950s. The narrative of Soviet historians about the goals of the Decembrist movement is taken as an example. It is shown that such signs as people, freedom and progress in the texts of Soviet historians enabled to correlate the characteristics of the Decembrists with the ideology of the campaign against cosmopolitanism. As a result of these correlations, the historical narrative acquired additional semantic depth – besides the scholarly level, it also had a culturally determined level. The texts of Soviet historians testified not only to the revolutionism of the Decembrists, which is quite obvious if these texts are considered at the level of the denotative sign system. Due to the presence of the elements of an anti cosmopolitan code, these texts contain the connotations of the undoubted patriotism of the Decembrists. Moreover, it was said that the Decembrists’ patriotism was typologically similar to the Soviet one. It is therefore possible to say that the conceptualization of Decembrism was carried out at the level of the connotative sign system. Soviet historiography of Decembrism in the mid-1950s was characterized by undoubted polysemanticity. Therefore, the analysis of the works of Soviet historians of this period cannot be complete without taking into account the corresponding cultural and semiotic code.
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The article shows the coverage of the Soviet period in Moldavian history textbooks. In the Republic of Moldova today, instead of national history, a history course is taught for one of its national minorities, the history of Romanians. There are almost no references to other ethnic groups living in the Carpathian-Dniester lands. The Soviet period was one of falsification, and textbooks emphasized negative aspects of history, while most achievements and successes of the country were hushed up or distorted while it was part of the USSR. Although the Soviet Union restored Moldavian statehood, many textbooks circulated the thesis about the illegality of Bessarabia’s annexation to Russia in 1812, and then the annexation of the region into the USSR in 1940. Bessarabia could not be a “primordial Romanian land” because the state of Romania itself arose much later. Regarding the Romanian occupation of Bessarabia in 1918, it is necessary to note the illegitimacy of both the Sfatul Tsarii (Regional Government) and its decisions, as well as the fact that the Bessarabian (Paris) Protocol of 1920 on the unification of Bessarabia and Romania did not enter into force. However, authors of most textbooks raise the question of the “illegal occupation” of Bessarabia and the subsequent formation of the MSSR, within the borders of which the present Republic of Moldova exists. Despite the fact that this course is anti-state, it ignores not only the existence of the titular ethnic group, the Moldavians, but also other national minorities, and many of its pages are written in the spirit of Russophobia and anti-Semitism. This remains mandatory in all educational institutions of the republic.
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Historically, the Europe’s concept in Russian state discourse has been constantly transforming, due to current events. Nowadays, the concept’s understanding can’t be described without WWII topic – obviously a crucial point in the modern Russian ideology. To explore the image of Europe in this discourse, the speeches of the Russian presidents given on the 9th of May from 2000 to 2019 were content analyzed. The transformations of Europe in the Russian state discourse about WWII as were as Europe’s roles in the WWII were defined. Up to 2009 the differentiation between the post-Soviet countries and “far abroad” Europe was constantly used. After the Russo-Georgian war, and mostly after the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbas, the construction of a bipolar world started. Russian isolation can be observed in 2010- 2019. Europe’s roles have been changing. In early Putin’s speeches (2000-2003) this topic seems not to be significant. Before 2008 Europe was described as both active and passive in the war. Afterwards “passiveness” prevailed. Thus, in the Russian state discourse, after 2008 the WWII was used to show the opposition between active/ strong Russia and passive/weak Europe, which provide threats to peace on the planet.
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The aim of the article is to explore the phenomenon of Arkhangelsk residents’ cultural memory about the demolition of the Orthodox religious objects (by studying oral and written sources); to identify the main cultural meanings and interpretations of these events; and to analyze the influence of modern forms of memory implementation on collective visions or perceptions and their translation to folklore and speech practice. The study used the anthropological approach, was based on the interdisciplinary principle, and traced the dynamics of mass perceptions. Religious narratives are part of the modern cultural memory of Arkhangelsk residents. The analysis suggests that the religious narratives are located on the periphery of local community cultural memory, being replaced by the values of the Soviet period, but the emergence of new religious objects invoked the need to obtain information about the history of Arkhangelsk churches in some of the local community members.
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The article examines the historical processes and the motivations of contemporary Hungarian politicians to officially rehabilitate the memory of Cécile Tormay, the internationally acclaimed writer and founder of Hungary’s conservative women’s movement. Through tracing the politics of remembering Tormay since World War II, it demonstrates how Tormay’s recent reemergence as a new national icon was intimately tied to a decisive shift in the direction of Hungarian politics from a pro-Western stance to one that is openly hostile towards Western liberalism. Tormay, part of the ruling elite in the authoritarian interwar Horthy regime, was a fierce anticommunist, antisemite, and staunch nationalist who rallied Hungarians to reclaim territories lost after World War I. Already a national icon, Tormay became a central protagonist of one of the largest interwar political scandals in which she was accused of homosexuality and sleeping with the wives of high aristocrats. Yet, stunningly, neither during the interwar years nor since 1989 has the scandal around her alleged homosexuality stopped centre right and increasingly right wing (Fidesz) and far right (Jobbik) politicians from embracing her as Hungary’s ideal patriotic female figure of the past century. Such a paradox, the article contends, can be explained by these regimes’ different approaches to public and private sexuality. By making Tormay’s private sexuality irrelevant, both the interwar and post-socialist conservative governments could hold up Tormay’s public vision of anticommunism, antisemitism, nationalism, and traditional gender norms as their own.
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Nineteen ninety-nine was a crucial year for democracy in Romania. Two violent assaults by the coal miners against the legitimate power in Bucharest were stopped at the last moment, and the conflict in Kosovo profoundly divided the country into two camps. The pro-western camp gathered together those political leaders and intellectuals who favored integration into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU) and the intervention in Kosovo in opposition to the Milosevic government. They also advocated pro-market economic reform and economic shock therapy, even if it entailed high social costs. On the other side were those political leaders who always thought that Romania should look for political friends in Moscow and Beijing. [...]
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The images that come to mind when we think about the 1989 "revolutions" are, on the one hand, the victory sign and the smiling crowds and, on the other, the overthrow of idols: of such real ones as Ceaușescu in Romania and Honnecker in East Germany and of the monuments of the dead ones, gigantic granite Lenins and Dzerzhinskiis towed away and the squares around them renamed for old kings or insurrectionary leaders. New monuments are built, new (or pre-Communist) geographic names appear on the changing map of East Central Europe and the former Soviet Empire. Schools and streets are getting new names, as if in a powerful effort to sweep history clean, and the same expressions of rejection are directed against yesterday's heroes-the dissident intellectuals. [...]
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Professor Ljubo Boban's recent Note on "Jasenovac and the Manipulation of History" (EEPS 4 [Fall 1990}, pp. 580-92), raises important points concerning current controversies over the concentration camp of Jasenovac. Professor Boban's treatment of the issues, however, is less than well balanced. This Comment on his Note is written as an effort to further Professor Boban's aim, to "prevent all manipulations of [the] tragedy" of Jasenovac. [...]
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It is easy to agree with Mr. Hayden that the magnitude of a crime cannot be measured by numbers and accounting alone. Nevertheless, it is possible that Mr. Hayden does not know that, there have been explicit attempts since the war, to bring forward the numbers and the accounting of victims as the issue of foremost importance. This was surely not done without a certain aim, and not without a certain method. The logic of this accounting was rather simple: the larger the number of victims, the greater the responsibility of perpetrators. If the number of victims is very large, then the perpetrators cannot be individuals or groups, but the whole people. [...]
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The text of the study touches on the fate of the Cieszyn region, when in the historic 1920s, by decision of the Conference of Ambassadors, the region was divided between Czechoslovakia and Poland, after the two countries had argued for a year and a half about its division. The publication is divided into three parts. The first part deals with the idea of self-determination of nations – what it was, how it was popularized and where, who were the people who supported this idea in their beliefs, speeches and public statements. The second part concerns the realization of this idea in the Cieszyn region and how Poles and Czechs led the diplomatic dispute over this territory, which was so important for both countries in the period 1919–1920. The third and longest of all, concerns the decision of the Great Powers of Spa of July 28, 1920, in particular how it was covered in the press of the parties concerned. The opinions of the Czech, Polish and Cieszyn local press are presented.
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Review of: Fikret Karčić (priređivač), Muslimani Balkana: “Istočno pitanje” u XX. vijeku, Centar za napredne studije, 2. izdanje, 2014
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The article views the geographical area between the EU and Russian borders as a battle space of two, drastically different foreign policy and ideological approaches. The authors argue that in the years since the end of the Cold War, a unique surrogate of former clash of liberal and communist worlds emerged, leading to and underpinning current Hybrid Warfare, underway from Ukraine to Georgia. Its roots lay in the Russian interpretation of the Western attitude towards the East as Neo-colonialist. Relying on the income from its vast energy resources, Russia also tries to develop its version of so called “Soft Power”, used by the West in this region. Though in Russian hands, it is coupled with Moscow’s imperial experiences and resentments, and is becoming a mere element in Hybrid or “non-linear” war. Speaking retrospectively, the Eastern Partnership Initiative of the European Union can be seen as a response to Hybrid threats, posed by Russia against its Western and Southern neighbors. But the question is, whether EU foreign policy initiatives towards this area can and will be efficient and sufficient, if continued to be mostly defensive and limited within Soft Power mechanisms and philosophy, while Russia successfully combines those with traditional Hard Power know-how?
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Illiberalism dates way back to the aftermath of the French Revolution but its post-communist resurrection may be approximately traced to the second decade of the new millennium. After reviewing several attempts to analyze the phenomenon and its causes, the article underlines the oft-neglected Carl Schmitt roots of the friend-enemy boundary common toilliberals such as Viktor Orbán, Jarosław Kaczyński, Benjamin Netanyahu and DonaldTrump. While illiberalism does not necessarily trigger antisemitism, it might foster it. Shared illiberal values may quash differences in attitudes towards antisemitism and official postures on antisemitism are insufficient to be guided by when examining differences between official and popular discourses.
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Book-Review: Blaž Torkar, Mission Yugoslavia: The OSS and the Chetnik and Partisan Resistance Movements, 1943–1945 (North Carolina: McFarland & Company, inc., publishers, Jefersom, 2020, 185 strani, ilustrirano). Reviewed by: Zdenko Čepič.
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