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Piłsudski or Masaryk? Zionist Revisionism in Czechoslovakia 1925-1940

Author(s): Kateřina Čapková / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2000

Revisionism represents one of the most controversial chapters in the recent history of Zionism and a lively discussion about the nature and character of this movement and its founder Vladimir Jabotinsky continues. What was the role of Revisionism in the period before 1948? What was the "true" nature of Jabotinsky's ideas? Was Revisionism basically a pro-fascist, militant movement ready to collaborate with Nazi Germany or the only branch of Zionism able to realistically assess the political situation in Palestine and the destitution of the Diaspora Jews? These are only some of the basic questions to which historians have suggested various answers, often matching their own political persuasion. Nonetheless, all participants in this discussion agree that Revisionism represented an important factor in building the Jewish state. Not only did Jabotinsky's movement significantly influence Jewish public opinion in Central and Eastern Europe between World War I and World War II; it also represents the roots of the Likud, the core of the present-day political right in Israel. Among others, Menachem Begin (who led the Likud to victory in the 1977 Knesset elections) has referred to Jabotinsky as a formative influence.

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Kontroverza o izložbi o Vermahtu: politika dokaza

Author(s): Omer Bartov / Language(s): English,Serbian Issue: 1-4/2006

Between 1995 and 1999 , the exhibition “War of Extermination: ‘Crimes of the Wehrmacht 1941 to 1944 “ traveled to thirty - four cities in Germany and Austria and was seen by an estimated 850 , 000 visitors . Renamed “ The German Army and Genocide ,“ as lightly modified version of the exhibition was scheduled to open in New York City on December 2 , 1999 .

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Značaj Nirnberga

Author(s): Richard Wasserstrom / Language(s): English,Serbian Issue: 1-4/2006

Persons who vigorously oppose the Vietnam War sometimes rely heavily, if not exclusively, upon Nuremberg as the justification for their opposition .

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Polska elita w niemieckiej niewoli. O jeńcach i Oflagu II C Woldenberg w monografiach

Author(s): Przemysław Słowiński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2016

The article presents the results of literature research related to the issue of Oflag II CWoldenberg, which operated in 1940-1945. This article discusses the monographicpublications devoted to the above said camp. The whole has been supplemented withinformation about other publications, which raised issues of the camp itself as well asprisoners staying there during the Second World War in the Woldenberg camp. Thematerial is a continuation of an earlier publication titled 'Prisoners of Oflag II C in thepress releases', which was published in the conference proceedings volume titled 'Thecultural heritage of the border region', V. 4. ed. E. Skorupska-Raczynska, J. Rutkowskain Gorzow Wielkopolski, 2011.

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Механизми за налагане на комунистическите режими в България и Унгария в първите следвоенни години

Author(s): Iskra Baeva / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2013

After the end of World War II the visible similarities in the 20th century history of Bulgaria and Hungary still continue. Both countries are included into the Soviet sphere of influence and the Soviet model of state socialism is imposed on them. This process is carried out by means of different mechanisms, based on international documents, as well as on legal decisions of their first postwar governments. The present paper traces down the origins and the functioning of these mechanisms, focusing on the main role of the Communist parties. The repressions and the purges in Bulgaria and Hungary in the first postwar years result in substituting the traditional political elites with new Communist ones, thus assuring the long-lasting rule of the Communists, backed, of course, by the Soviet Union.

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Gestapo mýtů zbavené?

Author(s): Karel Černý / Language(s): Czech Issue: 4/2017

McDONOUGH, Frank. Gestapo: Mýtus a realita Hitlerovy tajné policie. Translated from English by Jindřich Manďák. Prague: Vyšehrad 2016, 292 pp., ISBN978-80-7429-742-7. The publication is a translation of the original title "The Myth and Reality of Hitler’s Secret Police" (London: Hodder & Stoughton 2015). According to the reviewer, the British historian attempts to present a new, revisionist interpretation of the role of the political police in a totalitarian society. He claims that the Nazi Secret State Police (Geheime Staatspolizei – Gestapo) was not the omnipotent, fearsome, and brutal apparatus it is purported to have been, but rather an undermanned, overworked, and underfinanced police organization staffed mostly by former detectives,reacting mainly to denunciations submitted by citizens, using lengthy and not very effective investigation methods, and sticking to legal procedures. According to the reviewer who provides a fairly detailed account of the author’s interpretations, the above picture is sometimes relatively credible (in relation to churches), but not very convincing in other places (in particular in relation to Jews). Moreover, the author depicts only the situation in the Third Reich, and his generalizing conclusions are thus unfounded.

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Jozef Tiso: můj nepřítel – tvůj hrdina?

Author(s): Jan Rychlík / Language(s): Czech Issue: 3+4/2018

The author first summarizes the career of Jozef Tiso (1887–1947), a politician and a Roman Catholic priest. His entire political life was linked to Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party; he was always a representative of its moderate faction, and even represented it as a minister of the Czechoslovak government. In 1939, he became its chairman. In the First Czechoslovak Republic, he was a dyed-in-the-wool federalist; since the proclamation of the Slovak State in March 1939 until the end of his life, an advocate of Slovakia’s independence. As the president of the Slovak Republic between 1939 and 1945, he was responsible for Slovakia’s political regime, alliance with the Nazi Germany until the end of the war, and deportations of Slovak Jews. After the war, he was tried by the National Court of Justice, sentenced to death, and executed in 1947. The author analyzes in detail the accusations brought against Tito during the trial and Tiso’s defence, as the arguments presented by both parties were later used by Tiso’s adversaries and sympathizers. Czech politicians and general public after the war were united in their condemnation of Tiso; in their eyes, Tiso’s biggest crime was his share in the destruction of the common state. On the other hand, the Slovaks’ view on Tiso depended on their attitude toward the previous political regime in Slovakia. Furthermore, the author monitors how Tiso’s cult was formed in the separatist segment of the Slovak exile since the end of the war. It was spreading mainly in the United States, Canada, and Argentina, but the efforts aimed at Tiso’s moral purification were unsuccessful. The article also pays special attention to Tiso’s reflections in the Czech and Slovak dissent in the 1970s and 1980s. In the end, the author describes disputes over Tiso which broke up after 1989 in Slovakia and which were a part of the “return of history” to the public space. They were related to attempts for Tiso’s commemoration and historical rehabilitation, and found their way to the media, politics, and historiography. The essay is concluded by a statement that the Czech society is not interested in Tiso as a historical figure, but that Tiso still divides the Slovak one: a minority of the Slovak society sees Tiso as a hero and a martyr, while most Slovaks perceive him as an unsuccessful and discredited politician.

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Transformation of the Europe’s Concept in WWII Speeches by Russian Presidents (2004-2019)

Author(s): Nataliia Steblyna / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2020

Historically, the Europe’s concept in Russian state discourse has been constantly transforming, due to current events. Nowadays, the concept’s understanding can’t be described without WWII topic – obviously a crucial point in the modern Russian ideology. To explore the image of Europe in this discourse, the speeches of the Russian presidents given on the 9th of May from 2000 to 2019 were content analyzed. The transformations of Europe in the Russian state discourse about WWII as were as Europe’s roles in the WWII were defined. Up to 2009 the differentiation between the post-Soviet countries and “far abroad” Europe was constantly used. After the Russo-Georgian war, and mostly after the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbas, the construction of a bipolar world started. Russian isolation can be observed in 2010- 2019. Europe’s roles have been changing. In early Putin’s speeches (2000-2003) this topic seems not to be significant. Before 2008 Europe was described as both active and passive in the war. Afterwards “passiveness” prevailed. Thus, in the Russian state discourse, after 2008 the WWII was used to show the opposition between active/ strong Russia and passive/weak Europe, which provide threats to peace on the planet.

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The 1619 Project and Living in Truth

Author(s): Sean Wilentz / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2021

The controversy over the New York Times’s 1619 Project is the latest in a set of recurring struggles over how American history ought to be taught and understood. The author tells the story of how he came to be involved in the controversy, and how he and a small group of liberal colleagues, objecting to grave factual errors in the project, found themselves increasingly stranded as the debate sharply polarized. Instead of doing their professional duty in keeping the facts straight, the Times editors opted for face-saving evasions, only to see their claims of accuracy and respect for facts collapse. The controversy signals a flattening of historical perspective made worse under the presidency of Donald Trump, promoting cynical, highly ideological claims to the effect that sustaining white supremacy has, since the founding of the U.S., been the nation’s core principle and chief mission. Amid the threat to free and honest intellectual discourse which the controversy signifies, American historians must learn the lesson of „living in truth,“ in their historical work as well as in politics.

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Fikret Karčić (priređivač), Muslimani Balkana: “Istočno pitanje” u XX. vijeku

Author(s): Safet Bandžović / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1/2014

Review of: Fikret Karčić (priređivač), Muslimani Balkana: “Istočno pitanje” u XX. vijeku, Centar za napredne studije, 2. izdanje, 2014

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The EU Eastern Partnership Initiative and Georgia. Context and Perceptions, Experiences, and Prospects

Author(s): David Darchiashvili,David Bakradze / Language(s): English Issue: 62/2019

The article views the geographical area between the EU and Russian borders as a battle space of two, drastically different foreign policy and ideological approaches. The authors argue that in the years since the end of the Cold War, a unique surrogate of former clash of liberal and communist worlds emerged, leading to and underpinning current Hybrid Warfare, underway from Ukraine to Georgia. Its roots lay in the Russian interpretation of the Western attitude towards the East as Neo-colonialist. Relying on the income from its vast energy resources, Russia also tries to develop its version of so called “Soft Power”, used by the West in this region. Though in Russian hands, it is coupled with Moscow’s imperial experiences and resentments, and is becoming a mere element in Hybrid or “non-linear” war. Speaking retrospectively, the Eastern Partnership Initiative of the European Union can be seen as a response to Hybrid threats, posed by Russia against its Western and Southern neighbors. But the question is, whether EU foreign policy initiatives towards this area can and will be efficient and sufficient, if continued to be mostly defensive and limited within Soft Power mechanisms and philosophy, while Russia successfully combines those with traditional Hard Power know-how?

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Konceptuální labyrinty

Author(s): Radek Buben,Martin Štefek / Language(s): Czech Issue: 2/2021

The article offers an insight into the intellectual history of theories of totalitarianism and in an innovative way approaches the conflict between the proponents of different concepts of totalitarianism and the so-called revisionists. It seeks to provide a brief overview of the very complicated and, on both sides, very diverse debates and disputes. The authors deal with intellectual, societal and political sources of the theories of totalitarianism and offer their periodization in two waves and in important national contexts (Germany, Italy, France, and the United States). They also point out that more often than not the term “totalitarianism” is the only aspect that links the completely different traditions. The authors identify this striking incoherence in the different academic and non-academic genres, in the unclear relation between the theory and the empirical referents (that is, different political regimes, systems, movements, etc.), or in methodological statuses and approaches to conceptualization of totalitarianism (the relation between the term, the academic concept/empirical type/ideal type and the theory). They explain the rises and falls of the popularity of the concepts of totalitarianism, with special emphasis on some debates that have recently appeared in the Central European academic milieu. As the authors of this text claim, the renewed interest in totalitarianism is owed in part to the “new revisionism” whose representatives oppose the vaguely defined (or undefined) totalitarianism theories. The authors consider this dispute, apparent mainly in the recent debates on the communist past, a misunderstanding and point out two fundamental problems. Firstly, the argument is often led with the vaguely defined concept of totalitarianism which is often confused with the “perspective from above”. Secondly, the new revisionists often refute the theories of totalitarianism using, paradoxically, arguments that rather confirm than dispute these theories. The article shows that the gap between the different theorists of totalitarianism was actually much wider than the gap which is opening between the “new revisionists” and the “totalitarians”.

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Illiberalism and Antisemitism under Post-Communism

Author(s): Michael Shafir / Language(s): English Issue: 14/2021

Illiberalism dates way back to the aftermath of the French Revolution but its post-communist resurrection may be approximately traced to the second decade of the new millennium. After reviewing several attempts to analyze the phenomenon and its causes, the article underlines the oft-neglected Carl Schmitt roots of the friend-enemy boundary common toilliberals such as Viktor Orbán, Jarosław Kaczyński, Benjamin Netanyahu and DonaldTrump. While illiberalism does not necessarily trigger antisemitism, it might foster it. Shared illiberal values may quash differences in attitudes towards antisemitism and official postures on antisemitism are insufficient to be guided by when examining differences between official and popular discourses.

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Nekaj razmislekov o knjigi in ob knjigi o delovanju ZDA v Jugoslaviji med drugo svetovno vojno

Author(s): Zdenko Čepič / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2021

Book-Review: Blaž Torkar, Mission Yugoslavia: The OSS and the Chetnik and Partisan Resistance Movements, 1943–1945 (North Carolina: McFarland & Company, inc., publishers, Jefersom, 2020, 185 strani, ilustrirano). Reviewed by: Zdenko Čepič.

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Милан Йованович-Стоимирович за югославско-българските отношения след Първата световна война

Author(s): Srđan Mićić,Dimitar Mitev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2022

Readers of the Historical Review are offered some of the memoirs of renowned Serbian journalist and politician Milan Jovanovic-Stoimirovic about relations between Belgrade and Sofia after the First World War. Special attention is paid to the idea of unification between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Bulgaria / the so-called Integral Yugoslavia / and their transformation into a large South Slavic state. Jovanovic-Stoimirovic’s activities in Skopje in the first half of the 1930s will also be of interest, as he was sent there to organize and lead the propaganda activities of the central government in Belgrade in Vardar Macedonia. The memoirs contain important and curious information about the mood among the ruling circles in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes towards Bulgaria and Bulgarian politicians, the attitude of the Bulgarian Prime Minister Alexander Stamboliiski to the idea of “Integral Yugoslavia” in particular and Serbia in general. , the reaction of the ruling party and the opposition in Belgrade to the coup of June 9, 1923 and the overthrow of A. Stamboliiski from power, the situation in Vardar Macedonia in the 1930s and others. The publication also contains a short biographical sketch of Milan Jovanovic- Stoimirovic related to the political development of Yugoslavia in the first half of the twentieth century.

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The Rise and Decline of Polish Revisionist Marxist Economics: The Fates of Włodzimierz Brus and the Faculty of Political Economy (University of Warsaw), 1953–1968

Author(s): Piotr Koryś,Maciej Tymiński / Language(s): English Issue: 01/2023

The paper deals with the history of Polish revisionist Marxist political economy, which flourished between 1956 and 1968, mostly in the academic institutions of Warsaw. The fate of Polish revisionism in Marxist economics is presented in parallel to the intellectual biography of Włodzimierz Brus (one of its leaders) and the fate of the Faculty of Political Economy (Wydział Ekonomii Politycznej [WEP]), which he co-established at the University of Warsaw. The authors compare contemporary documents and existing analyses of the period with memories of Brus’s colleagues and students, collected decades after the events. The authors show that both the relative freedom of expression and academic research and the process of gradual closing of these possibilities were related to the changing balance of power within Party elites.

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Официална неувереност или нелегално сътрудничество: албано-българските отношения след Първата световна война

Author(s): Fabio Bego / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 4/2022

The paper investigates the way in which the situation in Europe and in the Balkans conditioned official Albanian-Bulgarian relations and the cooperation between political dissidents from Macedonia and Kosovo. By relying on scarcely used Albanian sources, the author argues that relations between the two countries were inhibited because of pressure from the Great Powers as well as because of internal turmoil. The dissatisfaction with the territorial decisions taken in Paris, pushed underground political groups from Kosovo and Macedonia to tighten their bonds. The governments of Sofia and Tirana were under the scrutiny of the Great Powers and they could not freely carry out their foreign policies. The two capitals focused on the achievement of basic strategic goals which were: the access to the Aegean Sea for Bulgaria and the recognition of the territorial integrity for Albania. In order to accomplish these objectives, Sofia and Tirana showed a good predisposition toward the Balkan neighbors by persecuting political dissidents from Kosovo and Macedonia that resided in the two countries.

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The Munich Agreement and the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact as a Tool of Russian Revisionist Propaganda

Author(s): Ivan Beliaev / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2022

Under Vladimir Putin’s regime Russia seeks to whitewash Soviet history and promote an anti-Western narrative in order to legitimize its territorial claims and political demands in Eastern Europe. Drawing on electronic sources such as social media posts, articles from the Russian media, newspaper comments and media statements, the author demonstrates that one of its tools is the exaggerated condemnation of the Munich Agreement of September 1938 and the emphasis on the historical guilt of the Western powers in the Nazi expansion, made to avoid discussion of the Molotov–Ribbentrop pact, signed less than a year later.

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Zgodovina kot servis

Author(s): Igor Grdina / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1/2019

During the downfall of Marxist regimes in Eastern Europe, the communists in Slovenia were focused on the further implementation of their far-reaching plans. While doing so, they did not forget to maintain the conscience of the past. During the preparations for their eleventh congress, the commission for history of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Slovenia and the Section for Ideological Questions of Historiography of the Marxist Centre of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Slovenia had a joint meeting on 7 November 1989. Both authorities rejected the full-scale listing of the Party in the past as being unreasonable; they also opposed the discontinuation of the authorities whose purpose in the Party was to preserve the conscience of the past. Božo Repe, the author of the record of the meeting, stated that the Party needed them as a “service”. At the meeting, the communists also formed guidelines for individual entries in the Encyclopaedia of Slovenia, which proves a strong political and ideological interference with the work of the editorial board.

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Dcera, historička, "špionka" Sheila Fitzpatricková

Author(s): Jan Adamec / Language(s): Czech Issue: 1/2023

In the first part of his essay dedicated to the Australian historian Sheila Fitzpatrick, a world-renowned expert in the field of Soviet studies, the author presents the beginnings of her academic career. He makes ample use of her self-reflections from several decades’ distance in the form of autobiographical publications, particularly "A Spy in the Archives: A Memoir of Cold War Russia" (Melbourne, Melbourne University Press 2013), which he supplements and contrasts with other secondary sources. What interests him most about Fitzpatrick’s scholarly career is how she became an unorthodox and open-minded representative of the revisionist current in the historiography of Soviet communism, and how her initiatory research experience in Moscow in the late 1960s shaped her. Fitzpatrick was born in 1941 in Melbourne, where she spent her school years and studied history and music at university. Both her father, Brian Charles Fitzpatrick (1905–1965), and her mother, Dorothy Mary Fitzpatrick (née Davis, 1913–2001), were historians and left-wing activists, and the author traces how this family background influenced her and how she positioned herself in relation to it. As a gifted student, thanks to a scholarship, she went on to postgraduate studies at St. Antony’s College, Oxford, from where she headed to the Moscow archives in 1966 on a study exchange. She spent three years there, on and off, culminating in a doctoral thesis on the People’s Commissariat of Enlightenment (Narodnyi komissariat prosveshcheniia) under the direction of Anatoly Lunacharsky (1875–1933). In the context of the Sovietology of the time, burdened with schematic Cold War thinking, the author emphasizes Fitzpatrick’s efforts to understand the Soviet system from the inside, through archival sources. He examines her “survival strategies” in a space defined by the surveillance and pressure of the Soviet authorities and the demands of Western academic institutions and portrays her embeddedness in an intellectual circle of Russian friends in which Lunacharsky’s brother-in-law and secretary, Igor Sats (1903–1980), was a key figure. The author also examines the personal and professional dilemmas associated with the spy-mania of the era on both sides of the Iron Curtain, which the ambitious historian had to deal with.

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