Ratni zločini, genocid i sećanja : koreni zla, ja hoću da razumem

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Pécsi levelek 1944-ből. Dokumentumok a „zsidókérdés” pécsi megoldásáról

Author(s): / Language(s): Hungarian

This present volume of the Kronosz Publishing presents the results of two independent but still closely interconnected local history research projects.The introductory study, which was written by István Károly Vörös, functions as a narration, summing up the most significant events taking place in Pécs between the 19th March, 1944 and the spring of 1945. This part of the book also helps the reader to understand the circumstances of origins of the contemporary documents. It plays an important role in terms of the contextualization of the topic.The study starts the narration on the 19th March, 1944, when the troops of the Deutsche Wehrmacht and the SS groups invaded Hungary in order to prevent the country from the quitting from the war. German soldiers arrived to Pécs by crossing the nearby southern border. This brought fundamental changes in every aspect of fife both on national and on local levels. Governor Miklós Horthy stayed in his office and on the 22nd of March, he appointed the government of Döme Sztójay who proved to be ready to collaborate with the occupying forces. He made this all due to the fact that with the aid of the Germans, an old dream of “political racialists” could have been realized. Namely, a „surgical removal” of the Hungarian Jews’ could have occurred from the body of the nation and the complete plunder of the Jewish population.In Pécs, the personnel remained unchanged after the nomination of the new government on the basis of political reliability, therefore it was the mayor, Lajos Esztergár and his apparatus of municipal officials who accomplished the part of the city’s “de-Jewing” as well as the transfer of the Jewish people’s wealth to „the Aryans”. Their activities were justified by the regulations depriving the Jews of their rights, issued by the new government shortly after their inauguration.Jewish communities and Jewish associations were disbanded all over the country and they were replaced by the Hungarian Central Council of Jews, which was subordinated to the provisions of the SS. The formation of the local Jewish Central Councils were given instructions partly from the national centre and partly from the leaders of the local administration and the militia. In Pécs, the last head of the Jewish community, József Greiner lawyer became the leader of the local Jewish Central Council.The various statements and orders connected to the submission of the Jews’ personal belongings (radio, telephone, bicycle, typewriter) ordered by the government proved to be only the preludes to the ever escalating anti-Jewish legislation. These regulations included the census of the Jews, the travel ban, the obligation to wear yellow “Jewish Star”, restrictions on shopping at the market and on private bank transactions, as well as locking up of shops and factories of Jewish ownerships.This latter step affected more than 200 commercial and industrial businesses in Pécs. As a result of the war conditions, the public provision of goods and the supply of industrial production plants with raw material became rather difficult. Due to these circumstances, the unexpected closure of Jewish businesses caused serious problems: extensive damage occurred due to looting and the spoilage of goods. According to the prevailing perception of time, it was not the Jewish owners who suffered the damage themselves, but the nation as a whole. In order to relieve the tension accumulating in the population of the city, the local authorities, over time, opened some 25 major Jewish stores, naturally under the management of Christian leaders and staff.An important milestone during the “largest social operation” proved to be the regulation on the appointment of the residence of the Jews, which was released on the 28th of April, 1944. Mayor Esztergár selected the (contemporary) south-western outskirts of the city (close to the railway tracks) to the “segregated sector for the Jews”. This included apartment building called MÁV-bérház (Blocks of Flats of the Hungarian State Railways) with altogether 90 flats, and 50 houses in the surrounding streets. More than 2700 people were concentrated in this area whose gates were finally closed on the 20th of May 1944. The place was so crowded that some people lived in the basement and on the corridors of the building. The ghetto was surrounded by a fence of a two-meter-high hedge, and the construction works were paid by the Jews themselves. They even had to work during in the construction ground together with a squadron of forced labourers.The Jews were allowed to leave the ghetto only when they went out to work (i.e. in the city’s forestry or horticulture.). In these cases, they were accompanied of course by armed escorts. The ghetto was guarded every day and night by the agents of the city police authorized to open fire if it was needed. As a result of these instructions, Jews soon became completely isolated from the other inhabitants of the city: it was forbidden to keep any contact with other people, no letters or parcels were delivered to the ghetto, while the single phone line, which belonged to the Central Council of Jews, was cut off in mid-June as well.Details connected to the deportation of Jews lining in the Southern Transdanubian ghettos were discussed in Siófok, on the 22nd of June by the administrative and executive leaders of the affected settlements. On the 29th of June, the liquidation of the ghetto of Pécs began. Firstly, the last remaining values, personal documents, and food were seized from the Jews, then they were walked in groups of hundreds by gendarmes and German soldiers to the Lakits Barracks, where they were accommodated in riding stables with a ground covered by a mix of manure and straw.The existing disastrous hygienic conditions were further aggravated by the fact, that the inhabitants of the Mohács and Bonyhád ghettos were also transported here at the beginning of July adding some 2300 people to the crowd. The Jews of Pécs and its surroundings were deported from this “point of concentration” on the 4th of July, while the Jews, who had been transported here from Mohács and Bonyhád, were deported on the 6th of July.While the Jews, who had been forced into the ghetto and had been deported suffered immense physical and mental pains, certain sections of the society of the city made efforts to get some parts from the wealth of the Jewish inhabitants of the city. Due to the lack of government regulations, the mayor’s office was constantly exposed to tremendous pressure. Besides the shops and businesses, the largest demand was for the Jewish-owned houses and flats. The selling off the Jewish shops and their equipment started as late as in September. The coup by the Arrow Cross in mid-October, and the pernicious approach of the front led to increasing haste and total chaos in terms of the practical implementation of the distribution of Jewish property.After the Red Army occupied Pécs on the 29th of November, Jewish men, who had returned from the labour formed the Jewish Council of Pécs. This, after the rapid assessment of the situation, focused on the one hand on the saving of the remaining assets, on the other hand – after the spring of 1945 – it made efforts to help and care for the returning Jews, who had been deported from Pécs.The other independent study of the volume is the publication of sources, compiled by János Habel. The selected sources from 1944 reveal events, worries and hopes having been tackled by the government and the administrative bodies, the mayor and the chief bailiff, the “early Christian” population, the Jewish Council, and the people qualified as Jews. These present the „weekdays” of the Holocaust in Pécs serving as a kind of detailed illustration for certain parts of introductory study.The editor points out that the complete reconstruction of the 1944 events and loval decisions in Pécs are not possible by the elaboration of official and private letters despite of the fact that thousands of documents were preserved. This is caused on the one hand because of the fact that some instructions and commands were given only orally, and on the other hand, due to the fact that the archives of quite few organizations and authorities, playing important roles in the events taking place in Pécs (as well) have been preserved. These documents include the sources of the Hungarian Royal State Police Headquarters of Pécs, the Nr. IV. Hungarian Royal Army Command Station of Pécs, the 4th District of Hungarian Royal Gendarmerie of Pécs, The Housing Department of the Mayor’s Office of Pécs, the Pécs Jewish Council, and the Pécs Office of the Arrow Cross Party.The sources are classified by the editor around the following subject-matter: 1. Who is considered to be a Jew? 2 The ghetto; 3 Property, 4. Other aspects of the “the Jew issue”. In order to offer a better overview, the extremely diverse source material of these main topics was further divided into thematic sub-sections, and the letters are presented in chronological order. The editor used the daily newspaper of Pécs titled Dunántúl [Transdanubia] to illustrate the social atmosphere of the events flashed by the documents. He sought to demonstrate how the mayor’s office and the government respectively used the only remaining local public media to manipulate the population, and induce (further) anti-Jewish sentiments and emotions.The title of the volume suggests that the writers of letters, addressees of the letters (or in many cases, both parties) were from Pécs, and that the vast majority of the sources presented are found in Pécs. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Der Band des Kronosz Verlags stellt den Interessierten die Ergebnisse zweier von einander unabhängig laufenden, aber durch ihr Thema miteinander eng zusammenhängenden ortshistorischen Forschungsarbeiten vor.Die Einführungsstudie von István Károly Vörös ist als Narration zu verstehen, die die wichtigen Pécser Ereignisse zwischen dem 19. März 1944 und dem Frühling 1945 zusammenfasst. Sie hilft beim Verstehen der Entstehungsumstände der Zeitdokumente, die den zweiten Teil des Bandes bilden und bei derer Einbettung in den historischen Kontext.Die Studie tritt in die Erzählung der Geschichte am 19. März 1944 ein, als um den Aussprung Ungarns aus dem Krieg zu verhindern, das Land von Einheiten der Deu-tschen Wehrmacht und der SS besetzt wurde. Die deutschen Truppen gelang nach der Überschreitung der nahen liegenden südlichen Landesgrenze nach Pécs. Dieses Ereignis brachte grundlegende Änderungen in allen Bereichen des Lebens mit sich. Reichverweser Miklós Horthy blieb in seinem Amt und er ernannte am 22. März die Regierung von Döme Sztójay, die bereitwillig mit der deutschen Besatzungsmacht zusammenarbeitete. Das machte er umso lieber, da mit deutscher Hilfe alte Träume der ungarischen Rassenschützer in Erfüllung gehen konnten: Das „Ausoperieren“ der ungarischen Judenheit „aus dem Leib der Nation“ und deren totaler Ausraube.In Pécs wurden von der neuen Regierung keine Beamten wegen politischer Unzuverlässigkeit gewechselt, so vollzog der Bürgermeister Lajos Esztergár mit seinem Apparat den auf die Verwaltung zufallenden Teil der „Entjudaisierung“ der Stadt und die Arisierung des jüdischen Vermögens. Als Grundlage seiner Tätigkeit dienten jene antijüdischen, entrechtenden Verordnungen, die von der neuen Regierung bald nach ihrem Amtsantritt in Kraft gesetzt wurden.Die jüdischen Kultusgemeinden wurden landesweit aufgelöst, an ihre Stelle trat der Zentralrat der Juden in Ungarn, der unter der Verfügungsgewalt der SS stand. Die örtlich gegründeten Zentralräte der Juden erhielten die Weisungen zu ihrer Tätigkeit einerseits von der Budapester Zentrale, andererseits von den örtlichen Verwaltungsorganen und Ordnungskräften. In Pécs wurde der letzte Vorsitzende der Kultusgemeinde, der Anwalt József Greiner, der Leiter des Zentralrats der Pécser Juden.Die von der Regierung für die Juden vorgeschriebenen Erklärungen und Abgaben (Rundfunk- und Telefonapparate, Fahrräder, Schreibmaschinen) bedeuteten nur die Eröffnung der immer härteren judenfeindlichen Verordnungen. Dazu zählten u.a. die Zusammenschreibung der Juden, das Reiseverbot, das Tragen des sechszackigen „Judensternes“ am Außenkleid, die Begrenzung des Marktbesuches und die Begrenzung der Verfügung über die Bankkonten, des Weiteren die Beschlagnahmung jener Geschäfte und Betriebe, die in jüdischem Besitz waren.Die letzte Maßnahme betraf in Pécs mehr als 200 Handelsunternehmen und Betriebe. Wegen des Krieges wurden die Warenversorgung der Bevölkerung und die Rohstoffsicherung für die industriellen Betriebe ohnehin immer schwieriger. So verursachte die unerwartete Schließung der jüdischen Unternehmen weitere große Probleme. Durch das Verderben vieler Waren und spontanen Plünderungen entstanden hohe Schäden. Laut der damals herrschenden Auffassung betrafen die Schäden nicht die jüdischen Inhaber, sondern die „Gesamtheit der Nation“. Um die in der Bevölkerung entstandenen Spannungen zu mildern, ließ die städtische Behörde mit der Zeit 25 größere jüdische Geschäfte wieder eröffnen, natürlich ausschließlich mit christlichen Leitern und Angestellten.Die Verordnung über die Bestimmung des Wohnortes der Juden am 28. April 1944, bedeutete eine wichtige Station der „größten gesellschaftlichen Operation“ in Ungarn. Bürgermeister Esztergár bestimmte am damaligen südwestlichen Stadtrand, in der Nähe der Eisenbahnlinie den „für die Juden abgesonderten Stadtteil“. Er bestand aus dem Miethaus der Ungarischen Staatlichen Eisenbahnen mit 90 Wohnungen und 50 Einfamilienhäusern in den angrenzenden Straßen. Es wurden mehr als 2700 Menschen in dieses Gebiet gepfercht, das Tor des Gettos wurde hinter ihnen am 20. Mai endgültig zugesperrt. Die unerträgliche Gedrängtheit kann damit gut charakterisiert sein, dass auch in den Souterrains und auf den Fluren der Häuser Menschen wohnten. Das Getto war mit einem 2 Meter hohen Flechtzaun umgeben, den das Magistrat von den Juden selbst bezahlen ließ. Er musste teilweise sogar selbst von den Bewohnern des Gettos und teilweise von einer aus jüdischen Arbeitsdienstlern bestehender Einheit verfertigt werden. Die Juden durften nur für Arbeit (z.B. in der Försterei der Stadt, oder in den städtischen Gärtnereien) das Getto verlassen – natürlich mit bewaffneter Begleitung. Rund um das Getto leistete die Stadtpolizei Tag und Nacht Wachtdienst und verfügte über Schießbefehl. Die Juden wurden bald von den anderen Stadtbewohnern gänzlich isoliert: Es wurde jedwede Kontakthaltung mit ihnen verboten, auch die Post stellte im Getto keine Briefe und Pakete zu. Mitte Juni wurde dann auch die einzige Telefonleitung des Jüdischen Zentralrats abgeschaltet.Die betroffenen Verwaltungsleiter und Befehlshaber der Ordnungskräfte erfuhren an einer Konferenz am 22. Juni 1944 in Siófok die Details der Deportation der Juden aus ihren Städten. Dementsprechend wurde in Pécs am 29. Juni mit der Auflösung des Gettos begonnen. Den Juden wurden ihre letzten Habseligkeiten, Identitätsbescheinigungen und ihre Lebensmittel weggenommen und sie wurden zu Hunderten unter Bewachung der ungarischen Gendarmarie und deutscher Soldaten in die sogenannte Lakits-Kaserne getrieben.Dort wurden die Menschen auf dem mistigen Boden der Reitschule und der Pferdestände der Ställe untergebracht. Die hygienischen Bedingungen waren schon an sich katastrophal, aber die Lage wurde dadurch noch weiter verschlechtert, dass auch die Bewohner der aufgelösten Gettos von Mohács und Bonyhád, noch etwa 2300 Personen, am Anfang Juli hierher gebracht wurden.Von diesem „Konzentrationspunkt“ wurden die Juden aus Pécs und aus dem Pé-cser Kreis am 4. Juli, die aus Mohács und Bonyhád am 6. Juli nach Auschwitz deportiert.Indem den ins Getto gesperrten und später deportierten Juden unsägliche körperliche und seelische Leiden zuteil wurden, versuchten bestimmte Schichten der Stadtbevölkerung sich aus dem Vermögen der Juden einen Teil zu sichern. Das Bürgermeisteramt wurde von diesen Menschen unter großen Druck gesetzt, da die Regierung teilweise verspätet, bzw. teilweise widersprüchlich ihre Verordnungen über die Nutzung der jüdischen Vermögenselemente verabschiedete und bekannt machte. Neben den Geschäften und Betrieben der Juden zeigte sich das größte Interesse für ihre Häuser und Wohnungen. Der Pfeilkreuzlerputsch Mitte Oktober und die schnelle Näherung der Front führten zu immer größerer Kopflosigkeit in der Ver- und Austeilung des jüdischen Vermögens.Nachdem die Rote Armee am 29. November Pécs eroberte, gründeten die aus dem Arbeitsdienst nach Hause kehrenden Männer den Rat der Pécser Juden. Nach der schnellen Lageeinschätzung konzentrierte er seine Tätigkeit einerseits auf die Sicherung des erhalten gebliebenen Vermögens, andererseits im Frühling 1945 auf die Unterstützung der aus der Deportation Heimkehrenden und derer Versorgung.Der zweite selbständige Teil des Bandes ist eine Quellenpublikation, die von János Hábel zusammengestellt wurde. Die ausgewählten Dokumente gewähren Einblicke in jene Ereignisse, Sorgen und Hoffnungen, die den Bürgermeister, den Hauptgespan, die christliche Bevölkerung, die staatlichen und Verwaltungsorgane, den Zent-ralrat der Juden und jene Personen aktuell beschäftigten, die laut des Gesetzes als Juden zu betrachten waren. Die Dokumentenauswahl führt den Pécser „Alltag“ des Holocaust planmäßig vor Augen und dient so als detailreiche Illustration zu bestimmten Abschnitten der Einführungsstudie.Der Redakteur weist auch darauf hin, dass die Rekonstruktion der örtlichen Entscheidungsprozesse und der Ereignisse im Jahre 1944 trotz der vielen Tausend erhalten gebliebenen Dokumente aus privaten und offiziellen Briefen nicht möglich ist. Einerseits, weil gewisse Befehle und Anordnungen nur wörtlich ergingen, anderseits, weil die Archive vieler Organisationen und Behörden, die in den Pécser Ereignissen eine wichtige Rolle spielten, nicht erhalten blieben. Dazu gehören die Pécser Kommandantur der Ungarischen Königlichen Staatspolizei, die Pécser Ortskommandantur der Ungarischen Königlichen Armee, der Pécser Distrikt der Ungarischen Königlichen Gendarmarie, die Wohnungsabteilung des Pécser Bürgermeisteramts, der Pécser Zentralrat der Juden, das Pécser-Baranyaer Büro der Pfeilkreuzler Partei.Die Quellen wurden um folgende Hauptthemen gruppiert: 1. Wer ist als Jude zu betrachten? 2. Das Getto. 3. Das Vermögen. 4. Weitere Bezüge der „Judenfrage“. Innerhalb dieser Schwerpunkte wurde das weitverzweigte Quellenmaterial im Interesse der Übersichtlichkeit in thematische Unterkapitel geordnet. In den Letzteren wurden die Briefe in chronologische Reihenfolge gestellt.Zur Illustrierung des gesellschaftlichen Ambientes der durch die Dokumente dargestellten Ereignisse verwendete der Redakteur das Pécser Tagblatt mit dem Titel Dunántúl (Transdanubien). Damit wurde veranschaulicht, wie das Bürgermeisteramt, bzw. die Regierung das einzige örtliche öffentliche Medium zur Manipulierung der Bevölkerung, bzw. zu der (weiteren) Schürung der judenfeindlichen Stimmung und Gefühle benutzte.Der Titel des Buches macht einerseits darauf aufmerksam, dass die Briefschreiber, oder die Adressaten (oft beide) Pécser Bewohner waren und anderseits, dass die überwiegende Mehrheit der veröffentlichten Quellen in Pécs zu finden ist.

The story of a dilatory informer - Robert Sylten – State Security Service (StB) collaborator in Israel

Author(s): Jan Dvořák / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Robert Sylten was never a publicly known or important person. His actions did not make a significant mark on history either. Yet his story certainly cannot be described as commonplace – it dramatically reflected the turbulent history of the 20th century. When watching the fateful twists of Sylten’s life, we can also clearly see some practices of totalitarian regimes.

The SOE and Preparations for the Assassination of Reinhard Heydrich

Author(s): Eduard Stehlík / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

On Wednesday, 27 May 1942, at 10:35 AM, Warrant Officers Josef Gabčík and Jan Kubiš, sent from the UK, carried out the assassination of the acting Reich Protector, SS-Obergruppenführer and Police General Reinhard Heydrich, who was travelling from his home in Panenské Břežany to Prague. We are at present marking the seven decades that have elapsed since this important historical moment (it really was a moment – about twenty seconds long). What role in the whole operation was played by the Special Operations Executive (SOE)?

We Serve Our Nation...

Author(s): Jaroslav Čvančara / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Many books and studies as well as hundreds of newspaper and magazine articles have been written about the Mašín brothers. With the exception of a few partial references, nothing substantial has been said about their activities in the United States Armed Forces. That is why this mosaic of facts, assembled from private correspondence and personal interviews has been put together. It is accompanied with a collection of unique photographs and documents from the archives of Ctirad and Josef Mašín, for the most part as yet unpublished.

Wartime Wounds Cast Long Shadow over Czech Society - Czechs were among Nazi Germany’s first foreign victims

Author(s): Lukáš Vlček / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Czechs were among Nazi Germany’s first foreign victims, with Prague the last capital to be freed at the end of World War II. Capitulation, occupation and oppression cast a long shadow which persisted into the post-war period.

Petr Brod, Czech Republic

Author(s): Petr Brod / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

This conference is subtitled “The View of Historians and Legal Experts”. I myself am neither a professional historian nor an expert on the law. Rather, I speak from personal experience as somebody who comes from a family that suffered in various ways under both totalitarian systems, and as somebody who lived in exile and in his own way took part in activities aimed against the communist regime in Czechoslovakia – in my case, at foreign radio stations. There are in essence two strands to what I would like to speak about. I will partly attempt to answer certain questions which come under this panel’s heading. And I would also like to consider certain aspects of these issues from the Jewish perspective. That is because we find in the histories of both the 20th century’s totalitarian regimes tragic and interesting links to Jewish history. Some have already been discussed, and I have my own perspective on them.

Ntsiki Sandi, South Africa

Author(s): Ntsiki Sandi / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Chairperson, I first want to thank the organizers of this very important conference for inviting me to come and be one of the speakers today, and share the experiences of our respective countries since the collapse of dictatorships. I thank the Czech Republic’s office in South Africa for quickly arranging that I get the visa to enter this country. My sister the Honourable Ambassador Madam Sandra Botha and her staff , for their very prompt assistance in this regard. I think this is a very important conference which will pave the way forward not only for the people of the Czech Republic but for all the nations of the Central and Eastern Europe. As South Africans we wish you well in your endevours to transform your justice systems in the post-communist era, but more importantly the need to dig out the truth about the past so that your people can be reconciled.

About the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The Institute was founded based on Act No. 181/2007 Coll. passed by the Parliament of the Czech Republic. It assumed work on 1 February, 2008. Its mission includes the study and evaluation of the period of Nazi occupation and communist rule in former Czechoslovakia, the anti-democratic and criminal activities of the state, especially its security services, and of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia; the analysis and documentation of the reasons for the liquidation of the democratic regime, and of the active support for and resistance against the dictatorships, as well as the documentation of Nazi and communist crimes. Through and together with its subordinate entity, the Security Services Archive which administers over 18 km of files, the Institute acquires relevant documents, ensures their digitisation and makes them accessible to the public. The Institute’s further mission is to raise awareness, disseminate information and educate the public, in cooperation with like-minded institutions and persons at home and abroad.

Without Jews? Yiddish literature in the People’s Republic of Poland on the Holocaust, Poland and Communism

Author(s): Magdalena Ruta / Language(s): English

Magdalena Ruta explores the virtually unknown area of Yiddish literature created in Poland after World War II. She unravels before general readers and future researchers numerous texts and analyses them in a lucid and captivating manner. The book should appeal to readers from various disciplines as well as to a non-scholarly audience as it touches upon difficult and complex problems that only recently have become the subject of thorough research and that are still perceived as controversial, such as Polish-Jewish relations after the war, or the fascination of a substantial number of Polish Jewish intellectuals with communism. It is worth stressing that the author deals with this sensitive topic competently and objectively. // Prof. Monika Adamczyk-Garbowska

The expulsions and resettlements of people in the German-occupied territories of Poland (1939 – 1945)

Author(s): Maria Rutowska / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Germans as perpetrators and victims

Author(s): Zbigniew Mazur / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Cena víťazstva. Odvlečenie obyvateľov z územia Československa, Maďarska a Poľska do Sovietskeho zväzu v rokoch 1944-1945

Author(s): / Language(s): Slovak

This publication, the subject of which is the Gulag phenomenon and the mass abduction of citizens from Central Europe to Soviet labour camps, mostly consists of written versions of conference papers. The conference entitled „The Price of Victory“. Abduction of Citizens from Slovakia and Neighbouring Countries to the USSR in 1944–1945 was held in Košice on 24 November 2016, and its organizers—the Forum Minority Research Institute and the History Department of the Pavol Jozef Šafárik University in Košice—invited experts on the theme from four countries (Slovakia, Hungary, Poland and Ukraine).

II wojna światowa w prozie Wiesława Myśliwskiego

Author(s): Bartłomiej Krupa / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

Antifašistička borba

Author(s): Adna Nalić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

U Bosni i Hercegovini period Drugog svjetskog rata obilježavaju drugarice, ilegalke, komunistkinje, borkinje, partizanske ljekarke i narodne heroine. Žene počinju da se uključuju u politiku postajući članice Komunističke partije Jugoslavije i javlja se sve veća želja da javno djeluju. Prvi put se javlja ideja o ravnopravnosti spolova te se dovode u pitanje stereotipi i tradicionalne vrijednosti, što rezultira stvaranjem organizacije Antifašističkog fronta žena.

Keineswegs Desinteressiert. Die Pläne NS-Deutschlands mit Jugoslawien 1940/41

Author(s): Katrin Boeckh / Language(s): German Publication Year: 0

Der deutsche Feldzug gegen Jugoslawien im April 1941 steht nicht nur in engstem Zusammenhang mit der Invasion in Griechenland, sondern auch mit dem sich anschließenden Angriff auf die Sowjetunion. Mit diesem schlug der NSWahn der Herrschaft über den europäischen Kontinent in einer neuen Qualität eines Krieges durch, der propagandistisch als Kampf zweier Weltanschauungen begründet und mit aller Brutalität eines rassenideologischen Vernichtungskrieges geführt wurde. Damit sitzt der Aprilkrieg zeitlich wie auch bezüglich der Art seiner Durchführung an einer Nahtstelle der Vorgänge des Zweiten Weltkrieges.

Antifašizam u Crnoj Gori – između političkog trenda i obrazovne politike

Author(s): Miloš Vukanović,Igor Radulović,Tamara Milaš / Language(s): Montenegrine

Fašizam je zlo sa mnogo lica. Njegovi pojavni oblici mogu se prepoznati čak i u društvima razvijene demokratije, a u društvima koja su proizašla ili proizilaze iz autoritarnih i totalitarnih oblika vladavine fašizam i dalje ima brojne pojavne oblike. Aktuelnost borbe protiv fašizma koincirira sa efektima globalne ekonomske krize, što je samo jedan od povoljnih ambijenata da fašizam „dobije šansu”. Pitak i plitak u svom izrazu, fašizam relativno lako mobiliše društveno nezadovoljstvo nudeći jednostavna u zlu ogrezla rješenja. Fašizam se mora izučavati u kontinuitetu, jer od svoje pojave do danas fašizam opstaje prilagođavajući svoje zlo niskim strastima društva. Zbog toga se mora izučavati u školama, sa pristupom koji će doprinijeti razumijevanju dubine ove pošasti. Fašizam nije samo velika zla prošlost, fašizam je tinjajuća i stalna opasnost. Takođe, treba obratiti pažnju i na one koji od antifašističke borbe prave fetiš. Umjesto afirmacije građanskog koncepta društva i antifašističkih vrijednosti, time se unosi politička demagogija. A demagogija je i pogonsko gorivo fašizma. Ovo opominje koliko je ovaj levijatan žilav protivnik, ovaj jahač zla upravo kroz demogaške matrice sebe predstavlja kao viteza spasa. Fašizam ima bezbroj uloga koje može da igra u društvu neotpornom na ekonomske krize, nacional-šovinističke tendencije, loše javne politike. Da bi društvo jačali i činili otpornijim na zlo fašizma, potrebno je raditi na izgradnji kapaciteta građanskog i demokratskog ambijenta, kroz afirmaciju principa suživota, tolerancije, društvene odgovornosti, solidarnosti. Najbolji i najplemenitiji način jačanja društva na zdravim osnovama je jasan koncept antifašističkog obrazovanja i stvaranje mogućnosti da građanin postane jači i otporniji na fašističke tendencije i demagoške kampanje. Obrazovanje kroz učenje činjenica, toleracije i kritičkog mišljenja uz podsticanje dijaloga - koncept je koji mora naći mjesto u našim školama.

IDEJA I ZNAČAJ RAZVOJA MREŽE NARODNOOSLOBODILAČKIH ODBORA U VREMENU ANTIFAŠISTIČKE BORBE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1941-1945)

Author(s): Elmir Sadiković / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

In the free territories of occupied Yugoslavia, during antifascist liberation front led by Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) under the leadership of Tito (1941–1945) there were the first bodies of civil people’s government in the form of people’s liberation boards. By strengthening antifascist People’s Liberation Movement (NOP), People’s Liberation Boards (NOOs) will become an important instrument for combating occupation forces and creation of living conditions for people in the liberated territories. Together with army struggle of People’s Liberation Movement (NOP), this movement, by forming new structures of people’s government on free territories, firstly People’s Liberation Boards (NOOs), later on an antifascist councils of people’s liberation, has established foundations of future state constitution. In the first years of People’s Liberation War (NOR) in Bosnia and Herzegovina there were several hundreds of established People’s Liberation Boards (NOOs). Broadening these specific networks, as temporary structures of people’s government, they were especially intensified after conveying Foča’s and Krajina’s directives in 1942. All people’s liberation boards as government authorities raised from people and those boards in war conditions were developing in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in other parts of Yugoslavia. By solidification of People’s Liberation Movement (NOP) they have persistently improved their scope of work and activities. Out of people’s liberation boards’ nucleus a strong network of people’s liberation boards was founded what finally shaped ZAVNOBIH (Antifascist Council of People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) as the highest political representative body. After the Second Assembly of AVNOJ (Antifascist Council of People’s Liberation of Yugoslavia) in Jajce on November 29th and 30th in 1943, people’s liberation boards (NOOs) have achieved their full legal affirmation and they have been confirmed as significant and efficient instrument for the organization of people’s liberation war and socialist revolution, until the declaration of Law on People’s Boards in 1946. Linked together, people’s liberation boards and antifascist councils of people’s liberation were actually an integrative process of revolutionary governmental change and formation of new social and political order. Constitutional Law of Federative People’s Republic of Yugoslavia has confirmed and proclaimed that people’s liberation boards are fundamental bodies of state government and they gained constitutional and legal guaranty and protection. During the development in after war period, their character and role as the government bodies were gradually changed – from local authorities of state government in administrative – territorial units – to the position of general representative body of local communities, municipalities and cantons in this particular historical context, when they have converted into the new representative organs – municipals, cantonal assemblies. Throughout postwar evolution people’s boards were the highest government authorities on their territories and apart them, there were no other authorities of state government within local communities. Therefore, there was no dualism of local government authorities and local state government. Developed in the streak of social contradictories, by their transformation from local state authorities, people’s boards were becoming more and more democratic local government authorities.

ZAVNOBIH – BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA KAO ANTIFAŠISTIČKA ZAJEDNICA VRIJEDNOSNOG PLURALIZMA

Author(s): Asim Mujkić / Language(s): Bosnian Publication Year: 0

Author starts with a claim that three decades long domination of ethnic nationalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) is based on a process of mobilization of internal ethnicities resulting in production of distinctive social realities, which eventually might lead to distinctive territorial-political entities, nuclei of would-be single-nation states. Contrary to this process, based on experience of political solidarity, as a counter-principle, author identifies the principles of ZAVNOBIH (Anti-Fascist Council of People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Author suggests that ZAVNOBIH represents a unique autochthonous compact of social and political unity in all its complexity and plurality of values. Being as such, it represents an authentic answer to the eternal political question: “What holds us together?” This compact is, according to author, based on three important principles: value pluralism (I. Berlin), social justice, and Anti-Fascist principle.

„BO ŻYWI ZAWSZE MAJĄ RACJĘ PRZECIW UMARŁYM“ - RZECZYWISTOŚĆ OBOZÓW KONCENTRACYJNYCH NA PODSTAWIE POWIEŚCI RUDOLFA VRBY UTEKL JSEM Z OSVĚTIMI I OPOWIADAŃ TADEUSZA BOROWSKIEGO

Author(s): Katarzyna Dąbrowska / Language(s): Polish Publication Year: 0

The aim of the paper is to present a horror caused by the Second World War, and in particular the reality of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp. The whole paper i divided into two main parts. In the first one i would like to present briefly the profiles of two men Rudolf Vrba and Tadeusz Borowski and their lives before they were sent to the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp. In the second part i want to present their literary works, which are testimonies of the few who survived the hell of the concentration camp and were able to tell about this reality. In my deliberations, i focus on comparing what each of these men felt, experienced, what he learned, what attitude he presented to himself and other inmates and supervisors. On the basis of this information, i am able to create a picture of the reality of a concentration camp, not only its rules and principles, but above all a world in which there is no human identity, only a tattooed number and where any moral choice brings physical or mental suffering, and later death.