Historical Euroscepticism Compared: The Case of the French and Italian Communist Parties in the Cold War

Author(s): Giacomo Benedetto / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Euroscepticism has, in recent years, become a focus for research by political scientists interested in the politics of antagonism and position- taking among outlier parties. However, Euroscepticism (applied retrospectively) is a long-term phenomenon, which dates back to the early stages of European integration in the late 1940s. Much of the empirical work has taken the form of single case studies, rather than following a comparative framework. Batory and Sitter (2004), Marks and Wilson (2000), and Marks, Wilson and Ray (2002) are notably different in dealing with party families over the period of more than a decade. They conclude that ideology and cleavages are the main explanatory factors in determining the orientations of political parties and party families towards the European Community (EC).

Jugoslavija i projekti kolektivne bezbjednosti 1950–1960.

Author(s): Ivan Laković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

During the early post-war years, Yugoslavia has been considered as one of the most faithful and ideologically righteous Soviet allies, the one of the opinion that USSR had played the most important war role, and that it had proved to be the natural and unquestionable leader of the forthcoming world revolution. Although the eastern bloc, which existed on the basis of ideological uniformity and, more importantly, clear supremacy of the Red Army, hasn’t been organized as a formal alliance until 1955, it had all the attributes of a functional military-ideological organization with strong subordination and hierarchy. Yugoslav projections of the future bonds of security and military cooperation have always included a membership in the eastern family and, until infamous 1948 Information Bureau Resolution; nothing seemed to be able to change them. After the break with the East, Yugoslavia tried to preserve its internal system while gaining support from the West, particularly the USA. Its position of ideological closeness to the East had been considered a desirable model for the rest of the bloc, therefore western countries have backed it up with economic, financial and military aid program. But, although fully dependant on this aid, Yugoslavia showed a high level of resistibility to all the western efforts to formally bond it with NATO institutions, do sing the measure of its opening to the extent that would provide western protection without transferring any part of national sovereignty to the alliance. Although there were moments when it seemed that a sense of threat on the eastern borders could lead to closer mutual relations, when it came to realization both sides refrained from making any resolute steps towards it, and opportunities remained unused. Yugoslavia succeeded in its intention to stay formally neutral, while the West was willing to allow it. Staying away from two major collective security systems did not mean that Yugoslavia a priori rejected all the systems of that kind. While rhetorically not rejecting the possibility of being part of than actual project of EDC, it also showed its real integrative capacity in the process of forming the Balkan Pact with Turkey and Greece. The mentioned projects, on the other hand, had not presented a threat for its foreign- and military-policy autonomy since the former have not even passed the ratification in the NATO countries, while the latter, important for the effect of its conclusion on the USSR, remained without any real operatively-functional role.

Jugoslavija i SAD u svetlu hladnoratovskih kriza 1956. godine

Author(s): Tatjana Lečić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

During 1956 Yugoslavia continued to vacillate in its relations toward two powers that ruled the bipolar world. Implementing the new concept of foreign policy strategy and abiding by equidistance and peaceful coexistence policies, Yugoslavia has managed to preserve its independence and socio-political system. Yugoslav anti-bloc policy has enabled it to take critical attitude toward both parties in almost all international conflicts. However, the bloc logic did not allow affirmative treatment of non-aligned policy, particularly its clear guidelines aimed against colonial division of the world and nuclear armament. Western countries remained the major economic partner of Yugoslavia and its overall economic prosperity depended on cooperation with them. Any indication of the Yugoslav-Soviet convergence raised doubts in the West about Yugoslavia’s return to the socialist bloc. In this context, ideological closeness during Tito-Khrushchev meeting in Moscow in June 1956, as well as secret Yugoslav-Soviet consultations and Yugoslavia’s reaction to revolutionary events in Hungary in Autumn 1956 caused great suspicion on the West. The same refers to relatively unanimous position of the Yugoslav and Soviet leadership concerning the Suez crisis, colonial issue and national liberation movements in Asia and Africa. The U. S. has negatively reacted to then course of the Yugoslav foreign policy. Although it maintained economic cooperation with Yugoslavia, it nevertheless often reexamined the possibility for the continuation of the programme of material assistance to Yugoslav leadership. Periodic accusations between Yugoslavia and the U. S. Represented a usual occurrence which has for many years accompanied the cooperation of two countries so different in terms of their ideological and political aspirations. Despite huge differences, the two sides have nevertheless managed to alleviate mutual political animosities to the mutually acceptable degree and thus created prerequisites for future cooperation.

„Pošteni posrednik”. Jugoslavija između starih i novih spoljnopolitičkih partnerstava sredinom pedesetih godina

Author(s): Vladimir P. Petrović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The contribution is dealing with the specificities of an important stage in the transformation of Yugoslav foreign policy in the 1950s, characterized by the Yugoslav attempt to conceptualize a flexible diplomacy by performing the role of a broker in international affairs. Mediation in resolving crises was a pragmatic manifestation of the Yugoslav doctrine of active peaceful coexistence, as well as an attempt to harmonize various commitments acquired during intensive cooperation with the West, the East and the noncommited countries. The role of Josip Broz Tito in the development of the Middle East crisis 1955–56 is particularly scrutinized. Through his contacts with state offi cials of all sides, he attempted to alleviate the crisis, legitimizing at the same time an awkward Yugoslav position and presenting the country as a useful impartial channel of global communication. This strive towards the role in international relations which Yugoslavia could hardly sustain brought mixed results. The unpredictability of the international brokering was underlining the tension between the goals of such policies and the scarce resources Yugoslavia had, and was largely abandoned in favour of more institutionalized approach to international relations.

Tito i Balkanski pakt

Author(s): Milan Terzić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The Balkan Pact helped Tito bridge his relations with the West at the local level. It enabled him to soften and cushion Western requests for integrating into NATO defence structures at the global level. Thus, he has shown the West that after the conflict with Stalin he was moving in their direction, but on the internal plan he did not give up communism and retained it in a „softer” form, pursuing policy at two levels. With the Balkan Pact Tito also became and remained acceptable to the West, while managing to resist the requests to join another pact (NATO). Entering one pact (the Balkan Pact) did not imply joining another one (NATO). This was made possible by the Soviet initiative for normalization of relations initiated at this time. It is at this time that he laid groundwork for his foreign-policy position and focused on non-alignment, leaning neither to one nor to the other side.

Bulgaria and the Balkan Pact (1953–1954)

Author(s): Jordan Baev / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The tripartite Balkan pact between Greece, Turkey, and Yugoslavia, established with the treaties of Ankara of 28 February 1953, and of Bled of 9 August 1954, was discussed quite scanty in the contemporary historiography. It was described as a rather curious example of an „unthinkable treaty” between states with opposite political systems or a „virtually moribund” alliance since the beginning. The paper aims to reveal the Bulgarian official reaction and comments on the establishment of the Balkan Pact and the consequent joint military and political activities of the three Balkan states. The research is based mainly on a large number of newly available Bulgarian political, diplomatic, security, and military records; in particular, the reports and cipher correspondence from Bulgarian diplomatic missions in Ankara, Belgrade, and Athens.

Jugoslovensko-italijanski odnosi i stvaranje Balkanskog pakta 1953. godine

Author(s): Miljan Milkić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Relations between Yugoslavia and Italy in the period preceding the signing of the Balkan Pact in 1953, due to wider international circumstances, have largely depended on the policy of Great Powers. Creation of the Yugoslav and Italian foreign policy in this period was under the infl uence of strategic reasons and position of two countries within the NATO defence plans. Unsettled border issue concerning the disputable territory of the city of Trieste was the main obstacle to normalization of cooperation and the issue which placed Yugoslav-Italian relations in a wider international context. Foreign-policy decision-makers on both sides had to make their decisions in accordance with and at the dictate of arrangements that were a part of security interests of the Balkans and Europe. Alliance established by Yugoslavia with the Balkan NATO members, Greece and Turkey, placed Italy in inferior position in relation to the NATO and threatened its leading role in defence of the Mediterranean. Expectations of the Italian government to assume leadership within the NATO South Wing were in contradiction with the interests of the only Alliance members from the Balkans. After the negotiations started with Yugoslavia toward the founding of the Balkan Pact, these countries, out of consideration for the new ally, became additionally cautious toward Italy. Preparations for the signing of the Balkan Pact were blocked at one point because of the Trieste issue. The pressure of Western powers on the Italian government to prevent it from blocking the negotiations and on the Yugoslav government to enter into the alliance of Balkan states led to the creation of the Balkan Pact between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey on 28 February 1953.

Југословенско-румунски односи у данима совјетске интервенције у Чехословачкој 1968. године

Author(s): Vladimir Lj. Cvetković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

The crisis which started with the invasion of Czechoslovakia by Soviet, Polish, East-German Hungarian and Bulgarian troops on August 21. 1968, influenced Yugoslav-Romanian relations too. Although the Czechoslovak crisis was globally the „topic of the day” and left its mark on the overall international relations of those days, it seems it had special significance for Yugoslavia and Romania and their mutual relations. That significance laid above all in the fact that refusal to take part in the joint action of the countries of the Warsaw Pact (the member of which it was) in Czechoslovakia, was the point of greatest and most audacious divergence of Romania from the Soviet Union and other East European countries, members of the Warsaw Pact and the Comecon, which came about as the result of the process of gradual and cautious emancipation from the Soviet political and economic domination, that had been going on from mid-1959s. At the same time, the situation created by the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia in the period that immediately followed, with the atmosphere of increasingly strained relations of both countries with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries which lent support to the intervention in Czechoslovakia, brought the Yugoslav-Romanian relations to the peak of rapprochement, which was refl ected in frequent contacts on the highest, as well as on lower diplomatic levels. Thus the final result of Romania’s distancing from the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and the Comecon, was at the same time the peak of rapprochement with the neighboring Yugoslavia. Therefore the Yugoslav-Romanian relations in the days after the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia had a double significance for Yugoslavia. On the level of bilateral relations, the crisis helped Tito during his talks with Ciauşescu in Vršac on August 24, 1968 to define, the framework of Yugoslavia’s future support for Romania’s „independent way”, limiting thus the „intimacy” of the Yugoslav-Romanian embrace. On the other hand, on the level of Yugoslav-Soviet relations, Tito’s influence on Romanians to ease tensions, made it possible for him to send the signal to the Soviets that, despite all differences and ideological divergence, Yugoslavia wasn’t willing to effectively support desires of a member of the Soviet bloc to leave Moscow’s fold.

Jedno sasvim lično sećanje na hladni rat, Jugoslaviju i jeftino (ali dobro) vino

Author(s): Erik Gordi / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Európa ne prelome

Author(s): Marek Syrný,Martin Pekár / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

The study focuses on the military and diplomatic events at the end of the war with the emphasis on promoting the interests of the Soviet Union in Central Europe. It also pursues an internal political race in the renewed Czechoslovak Republic and the first post-war political or economic measures. The main aim of this study is the characterization of the most important selected factors and context of the deportations of the population from Slovak area to the Soviet Union at the turn of 1944/1945.

Slováci v zajateckých táboroch NKVD

Author(s): Stanislav Mičev / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

The issue of Slovak prisoners of war in the prison camps in the Soviet Union during the Second World War was only on the margin of public interest. There are some new findings brought by research in the Russian State Military Historical Archive. The result of this research is the study about the fates of the Slovak people in the prison camps in the Soviet Union during the first post-war years.

Zavlékání československých občanů z dnešního území České republiky do SSSR po roce 1945

Author(s): Jan Dvořák / Language(s): Czech Publication Year: 0

After the fall of the Communist regime in 1989 there were published several publications, studies and articles about the deportation of Czechoslovak citizens from the present territory of the Czech Republic to the USSR after 1945. In 2002 the Czech Parliament even adopted a law compensating these victims. Despite this, it is still an issue which Czech historiography has not yet deal with sufficiently. In recent years the professional and non-professional public pays only marginal attention to this. The article provides a basic overview of the current state of knowledge. It focuses on basic issues such as the state of the sources, the specialized literature, the numbers of deported people and the circumstances of their returns.

GULAG a ženský fenomén

Author(s): Peter Juščák / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

The study Gulag and the female phenomenon shows the position of women in labour camps of the GULAG system after the Second World War. These women were taken from the territory of former Czechoslovakia during the movement of the front across this territory. The paper is based on personal testimonies of living women, their relatives or offspring. The author also quotes the written testimonies of other sufferers, who were meeting with women in the camp. The study is also based on the literature related to labour camps GULAG. The author points out that the Communist regime distinguished only minimally between the position of woman and man in labour camp. For this reason, the position of the woman in the labour camp was much more difficult.

"Malenkij robot" a plány o československom národnom štáte

Author(s): Attila Simon / Language(s): Slovak Publication Year: 0

This study details how forced labour of Hungarians in the Soviet Union - also referred to as "málenkij robot" meaning "little work" in Russian - affected Hungarians in Slovakia. The author provides a short introduction to the historiography of the subject and outlines the history of abductions, but the study's core rests with the examination of what was the attitude of the Czechoslovak government toward the repatriation of Hungarians abducted from the territory of the then northern Hungary, currently southern Slovakia. The author observes that the Prague government pursued a selective repatriation policy and it made every effort to prelude their return to their homeland. That means the abducted Hungarian population of southern Slovakia became victim of the autocratic Soviet power and, at the same time, of the ambitions to build a Czechoslovak nation state.

Поглед на југословенску несврстану политику из азијских архива: нови прилози историји односа Југославије и Трећег света

Author(s): Jovan Čavoški / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Yugoslavia’s nonaligned foreign policy during the Cold War was one of the main features of the country’s outstanding presence in the international arena. Recent Cold War studies, relying on new archival findings from all sides of this global conflict, tend to give more prominence to the role of lesser powers inside the international system. With the opening of the Yugoslav archives, this was also a noticeable trend in the domestic historiography too. Following these new scientific trends, this article strives to present recent findings from the major Asian archival institutions that could shed more light on the relevance of Yugoslavia’s interactions with the Third World and that could raise new research issues that these new findings might solve. Based on author’s personal experience, this article tends to present some of the most important archives and documents coming from China, India, and Myanmar, countries that nurtured specific relationship with socialist Yugoslavia at that time, adding thus new details and weight to the research done in the domestic archives. Therefore, some of these documents portray Yugoslavia’s all encompassing political, economic, and military presence among major Third World nations even more clearly and also underpin the country’s claims to relevance during the Cold War.

Da li je novi hladni rat već počeo?

Author(s): Alexander Golts / Language(s): Serbian

Međunarodni odnosi imaju svoju unutrašnju logiku. Još davne 1987, lideri SSSR i SAD su potpisali Dogovor o likvidiranju raketa srednjegi malog dometa (RSMD). To je bio prvi signal da se hladni rat završio. A u julu 2014, Vašington je optužio Moskvu da je vršila kopnene probe nove krilate rakete čiji domet prekoračuje okvire koji su ovim dogovorom propisane. Napominjem da su saglasno dogovoru RSMD tada bile uništene rakete s dometom od 500 do 5500 kilometara. Američka štampa je i ranije pisala o tome da usavršavanjem svoje krilate rakete P-500 koja je, kako se da razumeti, borbeni element operativno-taktičkog kompleksa „Iskander“, ruska strana zapravo krši dogovor.

Rusofobija

Author(s): Tomaž Mastnak / Language(s): Serbian

Zar smo opet u Hladnom ratu? Moja prijateljica koja u Njujorku predaje savremenu istoriju rekla je svojim studentima da mogu da zahvale svojoj vladi za posebnu uslugu, pošto im je upriličila takvu vrstu političke delatnosti o kojoj bi inače morali da uče iz knjiga i dokumenata. Nekim mojim američkim poznanicima koji su doživeli prvi Hladni rat se – kako mi kažu – od ove poslednje reprize povraća. Meni je sve to uglavnom novo. Nije da o tim stvarima ne znam ništa, samo mi je ta vrsta iskustva bila uskraćena. U pokojnoj Jugoslaviji smo Rusima – posle 1948. – prilazili sa opravdanom rezervom, ali političku propagandu SAD nismo uzimali za ozbiljno, koliko god inače konzumirali njihovu pop kulturu. Hladnoratovska retorika je bila pre svega materijal za viceve. Sada mi sve to nije nimalo smešno.

The importance of verification and transparency in the nuclear arms-control, nonproliferation and disarmament process

Author(s): Miroslav Tůma / Language(s): English

Since the Cold War period the importance of the importance of verifying the treaty obligations, which is one of the main parts of the strengthening of the common trust, has been continuing until the present. At the same time, in the areas of arms-control and international security, the role of nuclear transparency, with the verification of provided data and treaty obligations as its integral part, has been increasing. The necessity of maintaining predictability, mainly between both of the nuclear superpowers (the US and the RF), which possess about 90% of all nuclear weapons in the world, is connected with the need to maintain the arms-control process and an effective verification procedure in cases of other negotiated treaty instruments being concluded. Nuclear disarmament verification procedures should above all take into consideration political and technical challenges connected with the current decreasing numbers of nuclear weapons while taking into account the protection of sensitive data as well. At all relevant security forums, especially at the 10th NPT Review Conference in 2020, the Czech Republic should support the EU initiatives and all other initiatives in favour of maintaining the US-Russia arms-control architecture, especially the proposed extension of the New START Treaty’s validity and verification mechanism in 2021. The possible participation of Czech experts in various verification initiatives would be highly welcomed as well.

Is There a Threat of a Repeated Deployment of Nuclear “Eurorockets” From the Cold War Period in Europe?

Author(s): Miroslav Tůma / Language(s): English

Will the U.S. unilateral withdrawal from the American-Soviet INF Treaty of 1987 become a possible reality? The Treaty prohibits ground-launched shorter and the middle-range missiles (500–5,500 kms) with nuclear or conventional warheads. The Treaty´s security significance and its main parameters, the legal framework of the withdrawal and the reasons of both parties for accusing each other of violating the Treaty, are discussed in the article as well. In its conclusion the article, among other things, explains the context of the possible termination of the Treaty, and its consequences for the U.S.-Russia arms-control architecture.

Георги Федотов и Pax Atlantica: идеологическото конструиране на Студената война

Author(s): Darina Grigorova / Language(s): Bulgarian Publication Year: 0

The article focuses on the main Cold War ideologemes constructed in the Russian émigré press of the 1930s, before, during and immediately after World War II. The main source is the journalism of Georgy Fedotov in a comparative analysis with that of Nikolai Berdyaev. The article traces the construction of Fedotov's concept of Pax Atlantica as an ideological ideal and counterpoint to the Soviet Union. Fedotov's main ideologem is the alignment of fascism and national socialism with Stalinism in a hybrid "communofascism" in order to blur the boundaries between defeated and victorious after the war and leave the only victor, the Atlanticist world.