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In January 2013, Yevgeny Shevchuk, the president of Transnistria, completed his first year as head of this unrecognised state. But has the young politician managed to fulfil any of the domestic or international expectations during his first year in office?
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Georgian sympathies towards Stalin have strong nationalistic roots,but they are not in line with the image Georgia strives to create internationally. De-Sovietisation is part of Georgia’s efforts to join the European Union, but is Georgian society typically European?
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Despite being widely revered across Europe, US President Barack Obama’s Foreign Policy in Central and Eastern Europe is much less engaged than his predecessor. As a result, both the United States and the region are losing out on the potential for strong economic cooperation and democracy promotion.
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The Polish presidency of the Visegrad Group concluded on June 30th 2013 and has brought a number of unprecedented results. Out of the four members, none has emphasised the importance of the V4 more over the last 20 years as Poland did during its last term. Was this just a hangover effect of Poland’s European Union Presidency of 2011? Or a completely new foreign policy direction altogether?
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Religious diplomacy allows a state to use certain aspectsof religion and religious symbols in international affairs.The instrumentalisation of religion for political aims has a long and rich tradition in Russia, which is evidenced in Russia’s foreign policy today.
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As one of the most landlocked countries in the world, Armenia lacks both natural resources and access to the sea. This has led to the country reinforcing its strategic alliance with Russia. Unless Armenia breaks from its dependence on Russia and makes a constructive step in the solution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, it will find itself becoming more isolated from its neighbours.
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Elected in late 2011 as “president” of Transnistria, Yevgeny Shevchuk came to power on the promise of bringing order to the political and economic stagnation faced by the breakaway republic. But all the indications are that his policies have neither improved the demographic nor the economic situation.
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Fourteen years after the 1999 NATO bombings of the Balkans, the political leaders in Belgrade and Pristina are heading towards the normalisation of mutual relations and integration with the European Union. The April 19th 2013 agreement leaves the past behind and opens a new chapter in Balkan history.
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My vision is clear. I want Europe to be a continent without dividing lines, where people, ideas, trade and investment can move freely, across increasingly irrelevant borders. Th is would make Europe and its people more prosperous, innovative and secure.
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Th e Eastern Partnership is an ambitious endeavour. It is bringing change to countries that are not just neighbours of Europe – they are our European neighbours.
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As the European Union’s summit with the Eastern Partnership countries approaches, many are asking what’s next for theinitiative. What has the EaP achieved so far and has the EU got its bang for its buck?
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The Eastern Partnership programme cannot claim any tangible results visible to the general public and is haunted by the diminishing chances of signing the Association Agreement with Ukraine. Only increased sustained efforts and renewed commitments on both sides following the Vilnius summit will lead to any long-term significant change.
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The future of the Eastern Partnership countries depends to a large extent on the abilities of the countries of Central Europe to increase their political activity in the region. Poland, in particular, should intensify its engagement in this region.
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Prior to the Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius, Moldova was hailed as the “success story” of the East by European officials. However, it will get more complicated for Moldova after the summit, with elections planned for the end of 2014.
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The Eastern Partnership has become an important tool for deepening bilateral economic and political cooperation between the European Union and Georgia. Despite no promise of EU membership, Georgians still overwhelmingly support further integration with the EU and its institutions.
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Through the presidency of the Council of the European Union, Lithuania has taken on the challenge of an “honest broker”. Focusing on economic growth, energy security and foreign policy, Vilnius wants to show its capabilities in yoking together different interests and perspectives.
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The Montenegrin nation has formed gradually over the last few centuries and continues today. The process of building the Montenegrin identity is a key to understanding the meaning behind the state of Montenegro, its people and its future.
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In Ukraine, television is still the most common medium, with most of the TV channels under the control of five oligarchic groups, as tools of political influence and the way to protect assets.However, it is yet to be seen whether the internet will become a true alternative.
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While the internet is one of the chief instruments of the opposition, it is just as eagerly used by pro-Kremlin activists. The appeal of the digital age in Russia is very real, and the influence of the internet in Russian political life can no longer be ignored.
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The growing digital connectivity of Ukraine is an indicator of a process that can be described as a “slow revolution”. It is not a traditional revolution that will lead to a quick changeover of power, but it is a revolution that will redefine the balance of power between the state and society.
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