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On January 26th 2013, Czechs elected Miloš Zeman as president. At the age of 68, Zeman has become the first president of the Czech Republic to be elected directly by universal suffrage. The election, however, was more divisive than uniting and illustrates the two opposites of Czech political life.
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A conversation with Andrzej Pukszto, Lithuanian political scientist and historian.
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The Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius must be seen as an opportunity to review the goals of Europe’s policy in the region. Thus far, the policy has been understood as the spread of European values and norms in the neighbourhood. But, the cases of Ukraine and Armenia show that competing integration projects could further reduce the EU’s abilities to tie the neighbouring states to Europe.
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The period between November 21st and December 1st 2013 marks the beginning of a new era in Ukrainian politics. It is now possible to say with confidence that one of the main things that took place is the political initiation of the new generation.
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What the events in Ukraine have shown us is that there is stil lmuch more to the region of Eastern Europe than meets the eye. The protests are just one more signal that we do not know in which direction the countries of the post-Soviet states are heading. The East of Europe is going to continue to be one of the most important chapters in the future of Europe.
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Eastern Europe has become an “unwanted child” for some western countries, one they would prefer to forget about. From their perspective, the Eastern Partnership will absorb attention and financial resources as well as capabilities that should be exploited in the south of Europe. And yet the paradox is that success in Eastern Europe will be much easier to achieve.
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Despite Russia’s goal to create a Eurasian Union to reintegrate the countries of the former Soviet Union, this vision will most likely remain on paper. The rise of China’s role in the region clearly demonstrates that the Eurasian Union does not constitute a serious obstacle to the development of economic and political cooperation between countries in the post-Soviet space and other regional powers.
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Georgian billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili has been in charge of the country now for over a year. His coalition rules in the parliament and his candidate won the October 2013 presidential elections. With the complete change of political power in Georgia, what does this now mean for the future of its western-oriented foreign policy?
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The current times cannot be called favourable for Belarus, but it is on this anvil that the Belarusian identity is being tempered. The Belarusians are a people with a European past and capable of preserving their identity.
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The participation of Belarus in Russian integration projects was meant to be a panacea to at least to some of the country’s economic problems. The plan of the Belarusian authorities was simple: make money by getting cheap resources from Russia and having them processed by Belarusian firms. Integration with the Customs Union and the Common Economic Space, however, had several conditions written in the fine print.
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Relations with Belarus are not a high priority for the European Union. The majority of its policy is based on containing Russia’s influence. The EU could have a greater impact on Belarus relations, but only if it wants to. For now, it seems to be perfectly satisfied with the status quo.
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Russians predominantly stand in solidarity with Belarus. Taking into account the extremely painful reforms of the 1990s, many Russians considered the Belarusian model as the most attractive option of post-Soviet development. Hence, it is no coincidence that Lukashenka quickly became more popular among Russians than Boris Yeltsin.
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A conversation with Ayder Muzhdabayev, deputy editor-in-chief of Moskovsky Komsomolets
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An interview with Taras Voznyak, editor-in-chief and founder of the Ukrainian cultural journal Ї (Yi)
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Since returning to power in 2010, Viktor Yanukovych and his closest associates experienced a boom in their international business empires. The Ukrainian revolution, which started as a mass movement in support for European integration, later crystallised as a movement against the grand political corruption of Yanukovych and the former ruling elite.
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Although it seems that the revolution is over, Ukraine now faces a number of critical challenges. One serious challenge is the ongoing Russian interference. In addition to much-neededaid and assistance, the European Union must provide a clear position on the unacceptability of Russian intervention.
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Throughout recent history, Russia’s leaders have invested in the country’s image as much as its power. Under the watch of Vladimir Putin, “soft power” not only entered the lexicon, but attracted political and financial resources. Yet, Russia’s understanding of softpower is markedly different from western thinking and practice.
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Since returning to the Russian presidency in 2012, Vladimir Putinhas emphasised strengthening Russia’s traditional values and articulating a new policy of uniting Russians. This conservative approach has also affected Russian foreign policy, exacerbating tensions with the West.
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The Russian language may have failed as an imperial project of becoming a lingua franca in Eastern Europe, but many brilliant minds of the region are inextricably linked to the language. Today, Russian is increasingly seen as a tool of political domination over the former republics of the Soviet Union.
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The centralised security apparatus is the spine of the Russian state. Security policy is shaped through the prism of potential, often dubious threats and assumes the animosity of external players towards Russia. The question remains whether this system can guarantee Russia’s safety in the long term.
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