Around the Bloc: Gazprom Vows to Build Nord Stream-2 Over Polish Objections
EU partners withdraw from joint venture with Russian company to avoid the threat of Polish legal action.
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EU partners withdraw from joint venture with Russian company to avoid the threat of Polish legal action.
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The purpose of this work is an analysis of the systems of basic component factors of influence on the social market economy of country with determination of them high-quality descriptions. Adduction results of analysis of basic component factors of influence on the socially oriented market economy of country. The developed system of co-operation of sociokul'turnikh factors is in a social market economy. It is rotined that a social economy foresees the high level of development of these factors, and people, that they will be realized, must have high spiritual developed, culture and to be the business professionals, capable continuously to study and perfected. In society it must not be institucional'nikh factors, inherent economic to the backward countries. The state, public organizations and political parties, must have the proper strategic vector of development of country.It follows to send subsequent researches in the direction of exposure of reasons of braking of passing to the social economy in Ukraine.
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Since 2012, several European countries have seen the rise of conservative and, in part, fundamentalist social movements fuelled by the animosity against the perceived threat of „gender ideology” or „gender theory”. Being opposed to women’s rights, LGBTQ issues, certain administrative policy instruments (such as gender mainstreaming) as well as the public financing of gender studies departments, the advocates of these platforms tend to regard all political and non-governmental actors, administrative staff and scientific researchers who focus on these issues as a single homogeneous group and an organised lobby. This is partly manifested in grassroots or religiously-affiliated movements and partly in the agenda of right-wing and populist parties. More and more researchers are convinced by the transnational character of the movements as well as the broad impact of discourses and practices reaching across national borders and issues that we are not dealing with isolated cases, but a coherent phenomenon. Contrary to the three most frequent interpretative frameworks, i. e. the national/local political context, the discourse/mobilisation of the Roman Catholic Church, and the conservative backlash, I discuss these movements in the context of the rise of right-wing populism and on the basis of theoretical explanations seeking to grasp the demand side. On the one hand, I argue that the study of this phenomenon provides important clues for understanding the reasons behind the gain of populist forces in Europe and beyond. On the other hand, I propose that „gender” is not the final target for these movements which should primarily not be understood as mobilizations against equality. Rather, the emergence of these movements is a symptom of a larger crisis, and their ideologies are the surface, where „gender” is a symbolic glue. These mobilizations are rather the throes of a contest for redefining liberal democracy where, in the interpretation of its adversaries, „gender ideology” embodies numerous deficits of the established global power order and the so-called progressive actors, and they react to these by re-politicizing certain issues. Therefore, the interpretations limited to a ‘fight between values’ are rather an obstacle to understand the phenomenon, by repudiating or obscuring this important structural realignment. Based on Chantal Mouffe’s concept of ‘consensus’ and her critique of the established hegemony of consensus in liberal democracy, I discuss the contribution of three phenomena that are characteristic of the so-called progressive actors (including the feminis and LGBTQ actors), namely the neoliberal consensus, the human rights consensus and the consensus about liberal progress, to the rise of the movements against ‘gender ideology’.
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In the Strategic Communications (StratCom) community, we work to get effects, actions, and changes in behaviour from our target audiences. Intuitively one would argue that we are on a mission to persuade people to do things differently, or at least to change their opinions. ‘Winning hearts and minds’ may seem easy, especially when you have the truth, logic, or at least a lot of money on your side. However, years of fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan haven proven this to be wrong, and through the fields of social psychology and behavioural economics we now know that there is indeed a bit more to it. Attitudes do not necessarily predict behaviour. Why then is a narrative still so important, or why does propaganda work at all?
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Evropska komisija je pretprošle godine usvojila novi pristup izvještavanju o državama koje se nalaze u procesu pridruživanja, uz prilagođenu metodologiju izvještavanja. Tako će na proljeće 2018. Evropska komisija objaviti izvještaj koji će prethoditi samom mišljenju, a kasnije tokom 2018. biće objavljeno mišljenje o aplikaciji uz analitički izvještaj. U skladu s tim, ovogodišnji Alternativni izvještaj koncipirali smo tako da pokrije što veći broj pitanja koja su bila centralna u politici Evropske unije prema BiH. Ključno pitanje je svakako bio proces izrade odgovora na Upitnik Evropske komisije, koji je BiH uručen u decembru 2016. godine, dok su odgovori predati tek 28. februara 2018. godine. “Alternativni analitički izvještaj o aplikaciji BiH za članstvo u EU“ rezultat je zajedničkog rada organizacija i pojedinaca/ki koji/e čine Inicijativu za monitoring EU integracija Bosne i Hercegovine. Ovaj dokument se nadovezuje na prethodne izvještaje Inicijative, kao i na “Alternativne odgovore organizacija civilnog društva na pitanja Evropske komisije”, koje je Inicijativa izradila 2017. godine. Izvještaj se, kao i prethodni, odnosi na pitanja političkih kriterija za članstvo u EU, s fokusom na stepen demokratičnosti i funkcionisanje države, pitanje vladavine prava i korupcije, ljudskih prava, naročito manjinskih i ranjivih grupa, i tranzicione pravde. Pored toga, u skladu sa promjenama u načinu izvještavanja, u ovom dokumentu naglasak je stavljen i na neke od tema koje se odnose na posebna poglavlja acquis-a, kao što su ekonomsko-socijalna pitanja, administrativni kapaciteti za ocjenu usklađenosti sa pravnom stečevinom EU, intelektualno vlasništvo i regionalne obaveze. Analitički izvještaj daje prikaz stanja u oblastima koje su obuhvaćene političkim kriterijima, pri čemu je detaljnije predstavljen period nakon objavljivanja Alternativnog izvještaja za BiH 2016. godine. Nalazi ovog izvještaja ukazuju na to da u BiH nije postignut nikakav napredak u ključnim oblastima u protekle dvije godine. Političke tenzije pred Opće izbore 2018, kao i nepostojanje stabilne koalicione većine na nivou Bosne i Hercegovine i Federacije BiH, rezultirale su neusvajanjem izmjena Izbornog zakona, čime je došlo do ozbiljnog ugrožavanja izbornog procesa. U Republici Srpskoj zabilježena je druga vrsta parlamentarne krize, potaknuta zabrinjavajućim postupcima izvršne vlasti u vezi sa radom Glavne službe za reviziju javnih institucija. Funkcionisanje pravosuđa na državnom nivou također je ozbiljno ugroženo neizvršavanjem odluka Ustavnog suda BiH koje se odnose na Zakon o krivičnom postupku. Ustavne reforme su i dalje pitanje kojim se vlasti u BiH ne bave, te ne postoji ozbiljan pristup izmjenama Ustava u skladu sa presudama Evropskog suda za ljudska prava u slučajevima “Sejdić-Finci”, “Zornić” i “Pilav”. Reforma javne uprave, iako jedan od proklamovanih prioriteta u procesu pridruživanja EU, nije zabilježila nikakav napredak u proteklom periodu. Ponovo se bilježe pokušaji da se zakonski okvir u različitim oblastima oslabi, umjesto da se poboljša. Organizacije civilnog društva uspjele su zaustaviti proceduru izmjena Zakona o slobodi pristupa informacijama BiH, kojima bi se znatno ograničile slobode pristupa informacijama. Ni prijedlog za uvođenje mogućnosti pomilovanja osuđenim ratnim zločincima nije došao do parlamentarne procedure, ali ovakvi slučajevi ukazuju na zabrinjavajuće tendencije u radu izvršnih vlasti. Sloboda okupljanja i dalje nije garantovana svima pod istim uslovima, o čemu svjedoče različiti slučajevi u Republici Srpskoj i Federaciji BiH. Sloboda medija i uslovi rada novinara/ki gori su u odnosu na prethodni period, a velike su šanse da će se situacija pogoršati u narednom periodu, s obzirom na predstojeću izbornu kampanju. Manjinske i ranjive grupe i dalje žive u teškim uslovima. Diskriminacija i nasilje su sveprisutni, a izmjene Zakona o zabrani diskriminacije još ne daju željene rezultate na terenu u smislu bolje zaštite. Sveobuhvatne antidiskriminacijske politike i dalje ne postoje. Procesuiranje ratnih zločina i suočavanje s prošlošću, kao preduslovi za kreiranje zdravog okruženja i gradnju zajedničke države, predstavljaju dodatni problem. Politička podrška ratnim zločincima od strane lidera političkih stranaka nastavlja da dijeli već izrazito fragmentirano društvo.
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The latest available data on education of women was published by the Agency for Statistics BiH, like in previous years, and it has demonstrated the following: 36,939 students completed their primary education in 2014/2015, 18,246 of who were girls; 43,991 students completed their secondary education in 2014/2015, 21,402 of who were girls. 71,786 girls are attending secondary education in 2014/2015, out of the 143,881 students on the territory of the entire BiH. Therefore it is fair to say that girls and boys participate in primary and secondary education equally.
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In the current time of power dispersion and lots of stakeholders’ presence in public policy process the opportunities for rational public goals achievement are on the decrease. The role of administration changes as a consequence. The necessity to control over the policy process and to influence with the policy communities is added to its expert function to look for rationality. Finding the balance between the rational decision and the public support for its implementation becomes the main challenge to the contemporary public administration.
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The aim of this research is to answer the question how the American think tank experts on the Middle East and US foreign policy towards the Middle East perceive the region and its construction, with a particular focus on the process of Othering. In order to achieve this aim, the article presents the theoretical explanations of the Othering. In the empirical part, the results of semi-structured interviews with the experts are analyzed and presented. The interviews revealed three angles of how the Middle East is perceived. These angles are the geographical location of the Middle East, the securitization of the Middle East and the universal superiority of the United States. The main finding of the research is that the perception of the Middle East is connected with the self perception or the question of “What is the United States of America?”
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The issue of the exhaustibility and limited of natural resources has been noticed, among others, as a result of intensive economic development and civilization progress. In the second half of the 20th the emission of industrial and municipal pollutants, mainly as a result of burning fossil fuels, also became a serious problem. The article presents the essence and manifestations of the economy in a closed circuit and its impact on shaping sustainable socio-economic development, as well as the analysis of the possibilities of implementing these principles in business practice and in everyday life. According to the authors, managing in a closed circulation appears to be the highest stage of civilization development. Closing the so-called the loop and the economic cycle is becoming real in many areas as a result of extending the life cycle of products, the use of an ever-wider range of waste as secondary raw materials — instead of primary raw materials, the use of renewable energy sources, rationalization of water and forest management, etc.
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Interviews with randomly selected journalists were conducted within the survey. They all answered the same questions. Here is a list of some of the most important findings: Bulgarian media are more likely to refuse publishing a text on the subject of refugees on the grounds that it is too tolerant to asylum seekers and refugees than on the grounds that it is too intolerant; journalists are much more critical of non-compliance with ethical media principles on“refugees“ in other media than in those outlets they personally occupy; the majority of journalists notice the transformation of refugees into a new image of the enemy in Bulgarian media; according to the journalists,far-right moods concerning refugees are provoked far more by politicians than by journalists; the fears of some journalists to present refugees in a positive light are not related to „standard pressure“ by internal or political intervention, but they are related to people with radical views, friends and families; the journalists’ harassment of their work on „refugees“ is particularly worrying – 1/5 of journalists admit that they have been harassed at least once because they presented refugees in a positive light.
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Until 1991, the most diverse ethnic groups in the Republic of Croatia lived in the area of Daruvar and its surroundings. Due to the Serbian aggression on Croatia and the Daruvar area, major ethnic changes occurred and the depopulation trend began. The majority of Serbs emigrated, whilst the exiled Croats from Kosovo (Letnica, Vitina) immigrated, mostly to the Đulovac Municipality, as well as did the Croatian refugees from the war-afflicted Northern Bosnia (the surroundings of Jajce, Prijedor and Banja Luka).
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Czechs are one of the ethnic groups that have been present in the life of the town since its foundation. Czech soldiers, officials, craftsmen, and musicians moved into Bjelovar. The strongest trace Czechs left was in the music sphere, starting from father Hubert Diviš, a creator and organizer of the musical life in Bjelovar, Josef Mazánek, a conductor of the oldest singing society Dvojnice to Josef Bis and Emil Černy, two musicians whose compositions weren’t explored so their entire work cannot be entirely valued. Dr. Josip Vrana, one of the distinguished Slavists, tried to maintain and to promote the Czech language. Today’s presence of Czechs in the cultural life of Bjelovar is being observed mostly through the Czech culturalartistic society Česká obec Bjelovar, established in the year 1920.
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The statesman term is often used in the political and social sciences as well in the public speeches. But what does the term statesman means? There are few authors who have offered conceptual definitions of the term. This is, probably, why the confusion spred so often in the public space about by the today’s politicians that, when they hold a state office, it is considered that they have automatically became the statesmen. That’s not true. We will stop in this article on the conceptual meaning of the statesman term, as it was defined in the political and social sciences and then we will exemplify its applicability to the personality of Ion I. C. Brătianu.
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Posljednji dostupni podaci o stanju u oblasti obrazovanja žena koje je izradila Agencija za statistiku BiH, kao i prethodnih godina, utvrdile su sljedeće: osnovno obrazovanje na kraju školske 2014/15. Godine okončalo je 36.939 učenika_ca od kojih je ukupno 18.246 učenica, a srednju školu u školskoj 2013/14. godini od ukupno 43.991 učenika_ca okončalo je 21.402 djevojaka. Zabilježen je podatak da srednju školu u 2014/15. pogađa 71.786 učenica od ukupno 143.881 učenika_ca na cijelom teritoriju BiH. Može se zaključiti da učenice i učenici ravnopravno učestvuju u osnovnom i srednjem obrazovanju. [...]
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On 13 May 2014, by the judgment in Case C-131/12 - Google Spain and Google, the Court of Justice of the European Union has established a right to be digitally forgotten that can be exercised against the operator of a search engine independently of the success of any action directed against the publisher of the original web page. Therefore this short study aims to present the distinction between the right to have a link removed from a list of results displayed following a search made on the basis of a person’s name, on the one hand, and the right to have the data erased by the publisher of the web page containing information relating to that person, on the other hand. Since the right to privacy and the right to the protection of personal data are not absolute rights, but must be considered in relation to their function in society and be balanced against other fundamental rights, in accordance with the principle of proportionality, our analysis concerns precisely this balancing of the freedom of expression with the respect for private life in the online environment.
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The report analyzes the preconditions for radicalization of the Bulgarian society in the context of intensive entry of immigrants, the majority of whom are Muslims, coming from areas with combat activities. The main causes and motives of terrorist actions, drawn from Islamic dogmatics, are discussed. Finally, the report outlines state policies to minimize radicalization and its accompanying phenomena - Islamophobia and Europhobia.
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Today, as never before, the number of people, the scale of displacements and attempt to settle are without parallel in human history. In the world sharply increases number of people who practically can’t participate in today's economic life, but must satisfy their material and spiritual needs. Modern developed countries and societies faced up to the threat not only to collapse their social systems, not only to increase the number of marginalized communities and worsen criminal situation, but also to their having another type of culture. Countries must find adequate ways to impact on virtual communities in which „reside” migrants.
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Data Linked to the demographic situation in Bulgaria are examinated. Differences between the regions are outlined. Possible measures and initiatives aimed at overcoming the negative trends are pointed out.
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Although in Romania most Hungarian children study in Hungarian language schools, the state ensures the right for Hungarian ethnic minority children enrolled in Romanian language public schools to also study Hungarian language and literature as an elective subject. In the 2017/2018 academic year there were around 1700 pupils in 64 locations taking part in Facultative Hungarian language classes. The elective language teaching reveals a mixed picture both in terms of the nationality and language proficiency of pupils and of teachers’ considerations. The main objective of the paper is to present this mixed picture and to analyse the main ideologies and problems influencing teaching practices and their practical consequences. The first part of the study presents the legal framework and relevant quantitative data, and then it outlines a possible typology of elective classes. The second part of the paper analyses three main classroom practices, and the related ideologies of the teachers.
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Municipal elections were held in Slovakia in November, 2018. Independent candidates achieved an overwhelming success thanks to the fact that, after the governmental crises, belonging to a political party became negatively marked. Neither right wing parties in the opposition, nor the liberal candidates were not able to benefit from the situation, however, the further weakening of Smer improved conditions for them. The Hungarian voters’ have turned away from politics, and their distrust of political parties has been obvious over several previous elections. This long lasting negative tendency, that many Hungarians keep themselves away from the elections, seems to be continuing. The Party of the Hungarian Community still has a very strong local embeddedness, and managed to keep the majority of those municipal positions that were controlled by them over the years. The Most–Híd party’s performance was somewhat weaker in Hungarian populated areas than that of the Party of the Hungarian Community, however, the ethnically mixed party was more successful at the national level.
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