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Jews in France, data about the deportation of the Jewish population, the historiography about Vichy and the Jews and the modern atisemitism. The organisation of the deportation of the Jewish population under the Vichy government.
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Čini se da uvodno moramo naglasiti dvije stvari: ponajprije Heideggerovu privolu da se dnevnički zapisi znani kao Crne bilježnice objelodane bez sadržajnih korekcija, osobito, naravno, kad je riječ o gledištima za koja postoji rizik da ih se ocijeni kao »otvoreni antisemitizam« i, kao drugo, radi se o završnom izdanju »Gesamtausgabe«, što znači da je time ostvarena neka topologija pogleda unazad.
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U Heideggerovim tekstovima, i ranijim i kasnijim, često se polemizira protiv podjele privid – realnost. U ranijim radovima ta je polemika usredotočena, kao kod Deweya, na utvrđivanje primarnosti Welta nad Wirklichkeitom, Zuhandena nad Vorhandenom i Auslegunga nad Aussageom. Ako se paragrafi 31 – 33. u Bitku i vremenu pročitaju kako bih ja predložio, odnosno kao i Mark Okrent u svojoj knjizi Heidegger’s Pragmatism, u Heideggera će se vidjeti kako je teoriju učinio instrumentom prakse, kako je teze postavio kao sredstva za ostvarivanje nekog čovjekovog projekta.
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Interview with Günter Figal by Liane von Billerbeck
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Martin Heidegger je jednom zgodom prijateljima povjerio da »mačka još uopće nije pustio iz vreće« i otada filozofi pokušavaju odgonetnuti tu zagonetku. Što je time mislio? Je li mislio na svoje dnevnike, tajnom obavijene crne voštane bilježnice, koje bi trebale biti objavljene na samom kraju, te ujedno biti završni kamen u zdanju njegove filozofske katedrale?
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Premda opsežna, literatura o Heideggerovoj sprezi s nacizmom čini se da ne inzistira na dvama pitanjima koja je potrebno postaviti: Što, ako išta, povezuje temeljnu ontologiju Bitka i vremena [»Sein und Zeit«] i tu spregu?
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Conference report from the Scientific Conference “The Holocaust in the Territory of the Present-Day Southern Slovakia” Košie, Maz 22nd, 2014.
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The interest in the tragedy of Shoah demonstrated by Janusz Marciniak, although not devoid of personal motivations, coincided with the emergence of art conceived as “a discourse about the past”. German genocide treated as the most grievous crisis of history and rationalism is the object of a particularly in-depth debate, not merely artistic but also historical, philosophical, and sociological. Today, grief and commemoration of the Holocaust continue to function in Poland as a constant element of culture. Contrary to his oeuvre from the last two decades of the twentieth century, whose characteristic features include a considerable dose of painterly expression, Marciniak avoids affectation in his works dedicated to the Holocaust and is concerned with concise statements. Instead of an art of “the cry and suffering”, revealing the presence of fear, dread, and catastrophe, he proposes the poetic of calmness and reflections, and prefers to the artistic experiment the transparency of the document, the discipline of the text, and finally, the digital image, which became helpful in ridding the gesture of all rhetorical features, depersonalizing the visual stratum, and freeing activity via the image. Both in his undertakings pursued in the building of the public swimming pool in Poznań – originally a synagogue, and in monument projects and realizations an evocative visual effect was created with the assistance of simple means of expression and lucid metaphors. Due to their transparency they referred the recipient to his previous knowledge about the Holocaust and the life of the Jews in Polish lands, to the stories and images carried by all of us. The most essential has not been said, presented or enacted. It came into existence “between” and lasted outside all words. The works of the Poznań-based artist dealing with the Holocaust thus became part of a discourse about the “non-presentability of the Holocaust”, initiated by Theodor Adorno’s famous declaration about writing poetry after the barbarity of Auschwitz.
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This paper discusses the restitution of Jewish property in Croatia from 1990 on, having in mind that the question has not yet been resolved and that progress towards this has been very slow due to sketchy laws which are being implemented only partially. This issue usually receives more attention only when a Croatian government figure meets someone from Israel or the US Administration. Current legislature enables restitution only of Jewish property seized after 1945, while property seized during the NDH (Independent state of Croatia) remained intact, “protected” by laws passed at the time of Yugoslavia. Current restitution of seized property is performed according to the Law on Restitution/Compensation of Property Taken during the Time of the Yugoslav Communist Government, which came into effect in 1997, so the right to restitution or compensation applies only to Croatian citizens of the first order of succession. That property seized between 1941 and 1945 is not restituted is still an accepted practice, despite the fact that it is in this period when the majority of Jewish property was seized. The right to restitution is still limited to the first order of succession, while the deadline for applications remains too short. Towards the end of mandate of the Jadranka Kosor government there were some attempts to change that and enact a new law, but the proposal for that law got stuck somewhere in parliamentary procedure so it is not yet clear when it will be passed. Until now, judging by unofficial data, less than 30 percent of Jewish families of those who perished in the NDH have achieved the return of immobile property, so the government of Prime Minister Zoran Milanović donated a building in the centre of Zagreb to the Jewish municipality, as a kind of compensation for property seized during Ustasha regime.
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The core of this text is to point a selected buildings and locations that were part of Jewish properties of pre WWII Belgrade. Discussed examples of Jewish Assets tthroughout a survey belong to a preserved fact of development of Kingdom of Serbia and Kingdom of Yugoslavia’a capital city. In remains of such records throughout decades is an imprint of emancipation of Jewish Community as a part of cultural history. Present conditions in 21st Century goal into a physical remains and legal doubts that reflect the claims after the Holocaust in the region and in an evolving, unresolved aftermath of communist nationalization and confiscation. Topographic map of the center of the city district is becoming an increasingly ambiguous by the future of its origin, of its heritage and upcoming generation of successors of Jewish owners, their ties with proprietors and to the fate of their overtaken legal estates during Restitution process in Republic of Serbia.
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The focus of this research is the process of arianization of the immovable Jewish property in Belgrade and its fate in the post war years. The introduction is focused on the life of Belgrade Jews in the prewar years, first Antisemitic laws and discrimination of Belgrade Jews. In a course of the few months and years once equal citizens lost their jobs and positions. The worst happened after the German occupation in April 1941. the new authorities made lists of all Belgrade Jews and all of their property. After the Holocaust there were less than 15% of Belgrade Jews left with just scratches of their prewar ossessions. The new Yugoslavia did not help much economical situation of its Jewish citizens, the mechanics of keeping as state property the immovable property that was taken as the result of the Holocaust, remained strong and constant in the decades following 1945. The 4 different case studies describe different cases of nationalization of the Jewish property by the Yugoslav state. Outcome in all of the 4 cases was the same and although the old owners were accepted as the Nazi victims their property was still the property of the old Belgrade bourgeoisie. That is the reason why the Holocaust in Belgrade and its consequences were so devastating and one of the answers why once big and prosperous Jewish community of Belgrade could not escape hard post war years.
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The economic and population crisis in Warsaw during World War I encouraged anti-Semitic actions and attitudes, never mind the fact that Poles and Jews inhabiting the premier Polish city were facing the same problems. The gossip about the Jews’ massive spying for the benefit of the central states appeared at the beginning of the war, with many Poles treating the Jews as collaborators. There were charges against Jewish “profiteers” and accusations against Jews over falsifying products and money, along with fears regarding an excess of the Jewish population in the Polish capital due to the presence of refugees. During the war, the suspicions that the Jews’ “prosperity” was rooted in commerce and funds “from America” brew stronger. As a result, the poorest Jewish inhabitants were declared to be a burden for Warsaw’s “Polish” finances and their access to welfare aid provided by public institutions was curtailed. The open discrimination against the Jews led to their diminished representation on local government bodies. There were plenty of instances of victimization of the Jews by the city police, resulting in mass complaints filed by them against police actions, with the memorials submitted to the city authorities becoming the voice of the Jewish community. On the eve of the regaining of independence by Poland, the relations between the Poles and the Jews got so bad that it bordered on a miracle that the kind of pogrom experienced by the Jews in Lviv was avoided in Warsaw.
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The first years of Poland’s regained independence saw the emergence of numerous programmes of profound reforms and a prospect of modernization. In the article in question, , using the Łódź right-wing press as an example, its authors reconstruct a local variant of the modernization discourse of that period as well as a vision of the political community that supported it. The conceptual and theoretical framework for the reconstruction pursued here is the poststructuralist theory of discourse (in particular the research procedure proposed by Jason Glynos and David Howarth). The authors prove that the figure of a “Jew” and the anti-Semitic rhetoric constituted the core of that discourse and played a crucial role in the mechanisms of political mobilization that were characteristic of it. In the “nationalist capitalist” vision, the Jews were castigated not only as “aliens” but also as the basic obstacle to the attainment of a quasi-utopian stat of social contentment and prosperity. That objective was attained through accusing the Jews of responsibility for the inherent contradictions of capitalism (e.g. unemployment, business cycles, competition, class conflict, etc.). Entering culturally embedded anti-Semitic clichés in the broader economic and social context, and also tying them to a vista of future social harmony, added to their potential to mobilize support, largely determining the considerable influence of the nationalist right wing of Łódź in the interwar period.
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The author presents a rhetorical analysis of three anti-Semitic pamphlets which appeared in the early 1920s, written by Father Józef Kruszyński (1877-1953), a cleric first associated with the seminary in Włocławek and later with the Lublin Catholic University (where he served as its rector in the years 1925-1933). These publications were just part of Fr. Kruszyński vast anti-Semitic writings. Next to Prelate Stanisław Trzeciak, Fr. Kruszyński was regarded as one of the chief Church experts (or “students of Jews”, as they termed themselves) on the Jewish question, especially in the 1920s. The author used these pamphlets as peculiar case studies and presented them as part of a broader clerical-cum-national-democrat anti-Semitic canon, pointing to both the context and the determinants of their emergence. The analysis also includes the nature of Catholic anti-Judaism against the background of other currents of hostility toward the Jews.
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From 1927 until 1937, Aleksander Hafftka was head of the Jewish Division in the Nationalities Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Poland. In this capacity, Hafftka was in charge of the surveillance of political developments in the Jewish community, legal projects that affected Jews and maintaining contacts with Jewish social and political elites. Hafftka also often represented the Polish government vis-à-vis the Jewish community. At the same time, he was a part of this very community himself and engaged in its social life. In this article, I briefly sketch out Hafftka’s career in interwar Poland and his attempts to reconcile the interests of the Polish state and its Jewish inhabitants. I also focus on the political background of his dismissal during the nationalist swing of the Polish government in 1937.
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While the causes and scope of anti-Jewish violence in 1930s Poland has generated significant attention among historians, few of them have examined the attempts of interwar Polish Jews to determine how best to prevent the attacks upon their communities. This article investigates how one major Jewish political organization, the Union of Revisionist Zionists, struggled to assess the repercussions of organizing self-defence groups to combat anti-Jewish violence in Poland. Despite the Revisionist movement’s leadership cult for its founder, Vladimir Jabotinsky, his public response to Polish anti-Semitism was not readily accepted by all of his followers. The article instead highlights how the movement’s local leaders and members presented diverse and frequently competing responses to anti-Jewish violence in Poland. By exploring their debates, this article sheds light on the multiple political, cultural and regional fault lines that could play a role in configuring Polish Jewish responses to anti-Jewish violence in the 1930s. The article also addresses the extent to which members of the Revisionist movement in towns and cities across the country implemented the competing approaches towards anti-Jewish violence articulated by their movement’s leaders.
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